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[[hand-written notation]] 25.00 2016.166.41.2 [[/hand-written notation]] [[newspaper masthead]] THE LIBERATOR IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, AT THE ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE, 21 CORN-HILL [[line]] ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT. [[line]] TERMS--Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. Five copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment be made in advance. All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent. Advertisements making less than one square inserted three times for 75 cents--one square for $1 00. The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Ohio Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for the Liberator. The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, but are not responsible for any of the debts of the paper, viz. :--FRANCIS JACKSON, ELLIS GRAY LORING, EDMUND QUINCY, SAMUEL PHILBRICK, and WENDELL PHILLIPS. In the columns of THE LIBERATOR, both sides o every question are impartially allowed a hearing. [[image depicting slave auction with sign reading "SLAVES, HORSES, & OTHER CATTLE IN LOTS TO SUIT PURCHASE"]] [[image of three men with the text "I COME TO BREAK THE BONDS OF THE OPPRESSOR"]] [[image of a family and animals with an archway in the background with the word "EMANCIPATION"]] [[image of a ribbon with the text "THOU SHALT LOVE THY NEIGHBOR AS THEY SELF"]] THE LIBERATOR No Union with Slaveholders! [[line]] THE U.S. CONSTITUTION IS 'A COVENANT WITH DEATH AND AN AGREEMENT WITH HELL.' [[line]] Yes! IT CANNOT BE DENIED--the slaveholding lords of the South prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three special provisions TO SECURE THE PERPETUITY OF THEIR DOMINION OVER THEIR SLAVES. The first was the immunity, for twenty years, of preserving the African slave trade; the second was THE STIPULATION TO SURRENDER FUGITIVE SLAVES--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and, thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for SLAVES--for articles of merchandize, under the name of persons..... in fact, the oppressor representing the oppressed!... To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and slavery. Its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American Congress ; AND THEREBY TO MAKE THE PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION AND PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OP THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.'--John Quincy Adams. WM. LLOYD GARRISON, EDITOR Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind. J. B. YERRINGTON & SON, PRINTERS. VOL. XXIV. NO. 7. BOSTON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1854. WHOLE NUMBER 1202. [[/newspaper masthead]] REFUGE OF OPPRESSION. [[double line]] From the Citizen. TO THE REV. HENRY WARD BEECHER. REVEREND SIR--Your letter to me, in the Independent of February 2d, is certainly successful as an effort of rhetoric: and I felicitate myself on having had the good fortune to draw forth so fine a burst of that species of composition. It is not, however, exactly what I looked for. In reply to two vehement attacks of yours, one in your Abolition Lecture, and one in your newspaper, I did myself the honor to address to you certain arguments. I really thought they were, in some sort, arguments; and supposed that, if you vouchsafed me a reply, you would try to answer, or invalidate them. The course you have taken, makes me admire your prudence, even more than your eloquence. It was required of me to show how my declaration, that slaveholding is not a crime, consists with my attempt to abolish English dominion in Ireland. For answer, I pointed to some of the greatest leaders of this Republic, who, being slave-holders, rose to abolish English dominion in America. Do you see the unprincipled folly of this? Can your reverence contemplate, without horror, an American colonist exacting the whole labor of his own slave, yet declining himself to be the slave of the British Parliament; buying negroes bodily for his own property, yet indignant because English statesmen presumed to levy three pence per pound upon his tea? I need not ask, for you will not answer. You dare not say, before an American audience, that George Washington was an impostor, and had no 'principle.' Yet that is what you mean, if you mean anything. Therefore, you wisely let the subject alone, and by way of answer, you build me up sentences like this, 'Once you stood, like some great oak, whose wide circumference was lifted up above all the pastures, the glory of all beholders, and a covert for a thousand timid singing-birds. Now you lie at full length along the ground, with mighty ruptured roots, ragged and upturned to heaven; with broken baughs and despoiled leaves! Never again shall husbandmen predict spring from your swelling buds! Never again shall God's singing birds of liberty come down through all the heavenly air, to rest themselves on your waving top! Fallen! Uprooted! Doomed to the axe and the hearth!' I almost feel the edge of the hatchet. Woodman, spare that tree! Your imagery is so vivid, that I ready to raise my hand to my head, to ascertain whether, like Phaeton's sisters, I bear foliage and birds' nests. The prophecy is terriffic; and the effect, like one of Mr. Barnum's effects, is 'thrilling.' You have a dislike to Moses, at which I do not wonder. You say, 'let Moses sleep.' Then why did you cite that legislator in your Lecture? It was your reverence that awakened him. In order to make people believe that American Slavery is more barbarous than ancient slavery, you said at the Tabernacle that Moses imposed restrictions upon the institution, and surrounded it with difficulties and inconveniences, tending to produce abolition at length. I followed you into the Pentateuch, and showed that you did not read those five books aright. I demonstrated that there were no restrictions at all, and no tendency to abolition, and no intention of it, either rapid or gradual. So Moses has become tedious to you. You beg me not to keep 'stumbling, over the records of rude society four thousand years ago.' But, pardon me, it was your reverence who stumbled, and you are not sufficiently grateful to me for picking you up. You say, I 'make the Bible lie' (whatever that means); but you have not shown me where or how. I say that you falsify the Bible; and I have shown you where and how. It seems to me, too, that your avoidance of the subject is an admission that you did really misrepresent the Mosaic law , to support the abolition ticket. Is it not a shame? Do you think such a deed can be atoned for by a tirade like the following, addressed to me, thrilling as it is?-- 'I cannot hide from myself that there yet remains for you a dismal age, a desolate and cheerless solitude of infirmities. Time, that would have carried you onward, garlanded with achievements worthy of a man living for men, and surrounded by the genial sympathies of loving hearts, now, will drift you to a polar solitude, without love, or sympathy, or pity, or honor. You will sweep coldly on upon a dark current, like an ever-rolling ice-berg, that, rolling and resounding ever so much, gains no rest by changing place.' Benedicite! It does a man good to hear you, in a rhetorical, melodramatical, and merely Barnumistic point of view. But where is the sense? Who has taught you to call names at this outrageous rate? Another time, you compare me to Hercules spinning threads; and again, good Heaven! what is this?-- 'Sorrowfully, we must leave you, like some false and hideous image, around which, for the moment, chattering priests of oppression have burned incense, but soon to be cast out, even by them, a detested and desecrated idol, forgotten of men, and remembered only of vermin-lizards that crawl darkling beneath the twilight of poisonous weeds that grow and twine about it.' Now, I also could find comparisons in the various kingdoms of nature for you, Mr. Beecher. And I have a mind even to try your own style, and show that I have taken a lesson from you--as thus: I am a rolling and resounding iceberg of the Polar seas--very well. You are a Geyser or boiling spring, copious enough to keep the world in hot water. I may be like a dead tree; but what if your reverence is very like a whale--a whale of the blowing or spouting species--blowing and spouting as if you meant to quench the stars? Rather, indeed, you are the Great Sea-Serpent, that dubious and mythical fish--who disporteth himself before the eyes of wondering mariners, now to starboard, again to port, and no man knoweth where to have him. He esteemeth iron as straw, and the arrow cannot make him flee. He lasheth the sea with his tail, and all the morning papers of the universe resound with the splash thereof. No fisher, of woman born, shall put a hook between his jaws: no mortal cook shall cut him up for ever: on his crest sits humbug plumed, from his mane he shaketh boundless Bunkum, and in his convoluted spires there lurketh Capital! You see 'tis as easy as lying; but there is no use in all this, nor would it throw light upon any question. Yet, this very sort of thing is the tissue of your eloquent letter to me. In one instance only, you lose sight of your prudent reserve, and venture upon an actual assertion. Bored to death, as you are by Moses and the Prophets, it is still evident you wish to make allies of them: and thus you say, by way of contrasting American with Hebrew slavery, 'Hebrew slavery admitted that a slave was a man, with all appropriate human responsibilities, and made ample provision for his religious and civil instruction.' It is painful to be obliged to say that you are again mistaken. There was no provision at all, either ample or little, for the religious or for the civil instruction of the foreign slaves of the Jews; and as to their 'responsibilities,' they had, to be sure, all 'appropriate' responsibilities,--that is, such as are appropriate to a slave, and no more. All their slaves (except those casual and temporary slaves who were of the tribes of Israel) were simply and absolutely (as American slaves are) the chattels of their proprietors. To worry you with proofs of this, would be cruel. You are tired of the Pentateuch, and will no more hear Moses and the Prophets; but, probably, you will see the expediency of reading a little, before you rattle Moses about people's ears again. The authorities I cited, you call rubbish; and you say, you have in your library heaps of trash' of that sort. I do assure you that you would find your account in reading some of them in your leisure hours: what is the use of having heaps of books in a man's library, if he will not read them? I know well enough where you got your new and strange interpretations of Scripture:--it was from Mrs. Beecher Stowe, (vide 'Key,') who again got them from Professor Stowe, who got them from Barnes, or else Barnes from Stowe. It is a perilous thing, this reference forever to one's own little clique and circle for authority and intellectual pabulum: the supply soon dries up: and, if you will have another Polar similitude, I shall liken you in this matter to a Greenland bear, sucking his own paws for food in the hard weather. You say there is 'an issue between me and the American public.' This I did not know before. I knew that there was an issue between me and a small knot of noisy Tabernacle lecturers, who affect astonishment on finding that one, who had protested against oppression, is yet unprepared to denounce as oppression what they, the Tabernacle lecturers, call by that name;--and who are shocked to see a man in the nineteenth century, with no more exalted idea of freedom than the benighted Washington had. I apprehend, sir, that you and the Tabernacle men are riot the American public; --very far short of it indeed. But, here is the issue that you say has been raised between me and the said public:-- 'What was the liberty which you asserted for Ireland? Was it a liberty founded upon the inalienable right of every human being to life, liberty, and happiness? or was it a liberty founded on the right of the strong to oppress the weak? That is the question which American newspapers are just now discussing.' Are they? I am sorry that I can render them no assistance. I am sorry that I can render them no assistance. As to the first question, I am not aware that every human being, or any one, has 'an inalienable right to life, liberty, and happiness.' People often forfeit life and liberty; and as to 'happiness,' I do not even know what it is. On the whole, I fear this is jargon. For the second horn of your dilemma, 'Was it a liberty founded on the right of the strong to oppress the weak?' I must confess that I do not understand the dialect. Therefore, I decline to impale myself upon that horn also:--to your pair of questions I am content to answer, NEITHER. What liberty it was that I aspired to for Ireland, it would be useless to tell you again--you would never understand me. And it would only disgust you if I were to refer to the rude ages again, and to say that it was just the sort of liberty--no better and no worse--which the slaveholding Corcyraeans asserted against Corinth, and the slaveholding Corinthians fought for against Rome, and the slaveholding Americans wrung from the English. It was National Independence. But I am tired of the subject. And I do not believe that any single individual really sees the least inconsistency in my sentiments or behavior. The whole controversy is fictitious and factitious; it is an affair of tickets and platforms. You seem to think it a small matter, sir, to exasperate your fellow-citizens of the South by unmeaning vilification; nothing to shake the foundation of the Union; nothing to pour discredit upon Republicanism itself, and to insult your own grand country, while you lay your disloyal incense at the feet of the cruel, canting, English Government--provided only you can win some sanctimonious votes for the great gospel of Free Soilism, and can get yourself and your literary circle patronized and patted on the back by the treacherous and brutal British Press. Yes; I find your abolition to be not only nonsense, but treason. Englishmen come over here as its apostles, and it has on it the slime and trail of Exeter Hall. And do you believe that the exterminators of Ireland, the roughshod riders of India, the armed speculators in Chinese lives, sincerely wish for the liberty of any being, anywhere under the sun? Do you think the English care about this whole question of American slavery, save as a machinery for breaking up the great Republican confederation, whereof England and every other power has such mortal jealousy and fear? Exeter Hall shapes its balmy benevolence in the form of a wedge, to drive between North and South; and you, reverend gentleman, hammer upon that wedge with all your might every time you thump your cushion, and the British Press cries, Bravo, Beecher! Between the Northern and Southern States of this Republic, I apprehend, there is but little real conflict of interest or feeling. The questions of State policy and Territorial arrangement which exist, would, as I believe, settle themselves, if you and your second-hand Exeter Hall would let them alone. Whatever bitterness has mingled itself with the controversy, you and the Conventicles have infused the poisonous drop. When we hear a Mr. Wade, in the United States Senate at Washington, howling about Nebraska being made a 'Sodom and Gomorrah,'--uttering dismal prophecies like these--'he saw a cloud already larger than a man's hand--that cloud would soon gather all round from the North and West--the whole heavens would be lighted up with fires'--and so forth--the man is speaking the language of the Tabernacle: he is inspired by the Conventicles: he Beecherizes. If there be any cloud impending over the business, it is the dreary cloud of fanaticism, which has shadowed many a noble cause, and broken many a glorious confederacy before now. What are these foul-mouthed Puritans, that they should presume to curse, with all the curses of Ernulphus, American citizens of the South--that they should term their property a robbery, and their homes Sodom and Gomorrah? And does it ever occur to you to consider whether those Southern planters can liberate their slaves? Whether the slaves wish it--whether, if they did, it would be good for them, or for those who would have the misfortune to be their neighbors instead of owners? Have you considered the condition of Hayti? Of Jamaica? And if you urge the generous example of your friends the English, I will tell you what that generosity consisted of--borrowing 100 millions of dollars, (which they never intend to pay,) in order to add it to the 'national debt,' and so to take additional security against Revolution and Republicanism at home. Have you any such financial operation as this to propose to America? Or do you want to take the property of those citizens from them without any compensation? Have you considered any one of all these things? Or is all this Tabernacle talk pure rant? Is it all Capital-making and cant? Great is Cant. What is Man that he should withstand it? I take my leave of you now, and rise out of the whole subject. What can I say to the pathetic adjuration with which you conclude your letter--'Come back to us, John Mitchel--it is not yet too late.' Ah! your reverence will excuse me: it is not too late, but too early. You belong to a sect and a school of social reformers that I have always kept at arm's length. By your tongue I know you--you are the men who talk about the 'rude ages four thousand years ago,' as if the thing that was virtue then were crime to-day. It is you who cry out for the abolition of 'the gallows and the barbarous, rattling guillotine,'--two instruments, without which, the planet would be uninhabitable. You are the Apostle of Human Progress and Benevolism and all sorts of moral, physical and intellectual perfectibilities,--ending in loud cheers and subscriptions, toasts, tabernacles and trash. Come back to you! Why, when was I ever amongst you? What eye has seen me moving in the ranks of 'Human Progress'? Who has heard me blowing trumpets at the corner of streets?--or talking the blarney of Benevolism? or lauding British 'freedom,' at the expense of American Republicanism?--No, no. Cant, indeed, is strong, and the star of Humbug is high and culminant; but, at any rate, a man is not obliged to make himself at home with humbug, to fling himself into the arms of humbug, and contentedly take up house with humbug. I will never say unto Barnum, Thou art my brother, and unto Bunkum, Thou art my sister and mother. Neither will I say unto Beecher, Thou art my pastor and master. Once more, and finally, adieu, JOHN MITCHEL. New York, February 7th, 1854. [[line]] A hundred newspapers have simultaneously denounced John Mitchel as the basest of the base, for his execrable sentiments on the subject of slavery. We have found only one so vile as to echo his words--'the Star called wormwood.' Here it is:-- 'Thank God, John Mitchel is a MAN ; and so is Thomas Francis Meagher. They speak right out boldly and to the point, on this subject of American Slavery, upon which so many small minds have been misled. Say they, 'We deny that it is a crime, or a wrong, or even a peccadillo, to hold slaves, to buy slaves, to sell slaves,' &c. This is the right ground--an utterly impregnable ground; and it is a cause of congratulation that men of the influence, position and mind of John Mitchel and Thomas Francis Meagher, have been hold to take their stand upon such ground. Let the abolition fanatics howl!'--Syracuse Star [[line]] THE LIBERATOR. [[line]] THE 'MODEL REPUBLIC. A Scene from an Unfinished Tragedy In Uncle Sam's 'big hous' - almost continent-wide - poor little Africa lies low. The child is very ill - much oppressed in her breathing - longing for a full inspiration, for a free breath - very sick at heart. Her ringing cough of distress startles every compassionate soul, Christendom over. Her low moans and agonized shrieks awaken the sympathy of Cossack and Turk. Poor little Africa! The child is very ill. What shall be done? The Doctors consult over her case with varied wisdom. Dr. Free Soil shakes his head till the political powder flies in obscuring clouds, and says he can do nothing but keep the disease from spreading. He will try to get it out of the district of the head, and then, he hopes, the trouble, thus circumscribed, will gradually wear itself out. He writes, 'Recipe, Wilmot Proviso,' and sends it to Mr. Ballot-box, the apothecary. 'Poh!' says Dr. Webster, 'there is no necessity for administering that. The disease can't spread. The temperature, the vital energies, all the laws of nature and the will of God, are against its extension. It can't spread.' 'Amen!' shout the populace and presses. 'Hear him! He is a God.' Poor little Africa! The next time her pulse is counted, it tells a different story. The disease has spread into the very region the 'godlike' prognosticated it could not go. Dr. Democracy is called in - that old, respectable and popular physician - who took his degree (which was written and executed in blood) on the fourth of July 1776. He puts on his compromise spectacles, takes a pinch of union snuff, and examines the patient. 'There is nothing the matter with her,' says he; 'her breathing is perfectly natural; her countenance healthy - just as the Lord made it. I don't desire to see her in better condition. She don't need any medicine, except the oil of birch. Set her to work.' Poor little Africa, who can just breathe enough to groan out her agony - what shall be done for her? Dr. Colonization recommends that, as soon as the patient breathes freely, she be sent to Liberia. ('If - I could only - get - to Can-ada,' gasps the child.) He can do nothing till this oppression is removed. She can carry the Gospel to those poor heathen; - and he slyly tips the wink to General Quattlebum, who whispers - 'That's the physic, Doctor.' Meanwhile, the oppression at the heart and lungs increases. Monstrous, ugly abscesses break out, full of acrid, loathsome pus - the nauseating effluvia of which, scent Uncle Sam's whole house, and threatens dissolution of the family. The whole household is in danger. Something must be done. Dr. Webster and Dr. Democracy consult. They agree to wrap the patient in a Finality Plaster. But it won't stick. Somebody is always pulling it off to see how the child looks. The people, generally, think she must be kept perfectly quiet - not agitated in the least. A few 'fanatics' think wholesome friction highly beneficial - so, between the prying peepers-under and the frictionists, the plaster will not stick. A violent ring at Uncle Sam's door-bell. Judas Iscariot Mitchell is announced. 'For the love of ould Ireland, fetch me to Dr. Democracy. They tell me he is here. Let me set my two eyes upon the swate Doctor. Sure, he is the man to cure Hibernia - the darlint - one of my own childhren.' Judas is ushered into the sick chamber. - ('There's Mitchell, just in the nick of time,' whispers Mrs. Kindheart; 'we shall need another watcher. They say he has had a touch of the same disorder himself, and he will pity and he'p poor Africa.' 'We'll see,' says Nurse Radical.) Stands with his back towards Africa. Takes Dr. Democracy by the hand, presses him to his heart - 'Long may you live, your Honor! You're the only man to cure the child.' 'She ain't sick,' growls the Doctor. 'My own darling Hibernia, I mean. Sure there's no help for her, if your Honor gives her over. I told all my counthrymen here, to follow your Honor's direction in every thing, and, if we can, betimes, get your Honor over the water to look at her. (Judas jingles, in his pocket, thirty pieces of silver - a keepsake from Mrs. Sippi.) Will your honor go? A little 'material aid' will make your Lordship our everlasting benefactor. It's out o'my power to do anything more for the darlint myself, as I am serving under General Quattlebum, who, I hope, will pay up in the best Alabama currency. Your Honor has a power of knowledge, if you would jist step over the water. There's Dr. John Bull, who knows as much as two fools and a madman, has been physicking the baby this many a year, to no good; and she is jist on her last legs, if your glorious Honor can't attend to her.' 'I hear,' says Dr. Democracy. 'Good morning.' Judas withdraws from the chamber - meets James Corndealer in the hall, who greets him heartily. 'Ah! Mitchel, here you are from under the hoof of that old Bull. God bless you! He can't gore you here. You are just in good time to help us nurse dear little sick Africa! She is sorely pressed for breathe!' 'Sick, James? What do you mean? She's well enough. Dr. Democracy says so; and doesn't he know? You're an old bore. Let me go! I'm in a hurry to get to Alabama.' 'Et tu Brute! Ah, Judas! rightly named. Beware of Iscariot's fate! Beware!' Exit Judas with a whip in his hand and a shillalah under his arm, on his way to Alabama, singing - 'If i had a nigger what wouldn't work, Wouldn't I give him a d--l of a jerk? Heigho for a good fat nig!' Poor little Africa! Thy beseeching eyes, thy uplifted hands, thy wail, thy writhings, thy wan and wasted face, how long, how long shall these plead? Enters Dr. Thomas B. Kindheart, love beaming from his eyes for the dear sick child. How gladly would he relieve her! His heart aches as he sees her labored breath, and hears that stridulous cough; calmly and carefully he examines the case, then renders diagnosis thus - 'I do really think this is not a peculiar case. It is a croup or quinsey; by no means uncommon. It is a very bad disease, I know; often fatal. There are some physicians who recommend and adopt the heroic treatment in such cases. I admire them for it; but I can't follow it. I don't dare to. I prefer the emulsive treatment. I advise, in this case, poultices. 'Thank you,' whispers Africa, as Dr. Kindheart's benevolent face passed out. Anxious friends bend over the sick child, seeking aid from every quarter. 'Why don't you send for Dr. Garrison?' whispers Nurse Radical, at the bedside. 'Oh! no,' says Goody Holdback; 'he's nothing but a quack.' 'He's an Infidel, too,' says Deacon Longprayer. 'Well, they say he has a way of his own, in these cases, which will work wonders,' replies Nurse Radical. 'It was tired by John Bull, when his little West India had the same disorder, and she began to get well right off. I should send for Dr. Garrison.' 'Any port in a storm,' says Father Midships; 'that's the doctrine I preach at the Bethel. Suppose you send for the 'quack.'' Well, let's have him. Enter Dr. Garrison. How tenderly he looks at the suffering child! 'What do you think of her, Doctor? Will she recover?' asks Mrs. Kindheart. 'I should like to remove that poultice, and examine her throat and chest,' answers the Doctor. (Nurse Radical takes it off.) Dr. Garrison's face sobers with amazement, frowns with indignation, at the revelation. 'What is the matter, Doctor?' 'This is a very peculiar case.' 'Dr. Kindheart said it was not peculiar; only a common case of croup,' says nurse.' 'And advised poultices,' added Mrs. K. 'I don't agree with him,' says the Doctor. 'I find, after removing the poultice and examining the throat and chest, this peculiar state of things: Uncle Sam has got his hand round Africa's neck, pretending the greatest affection; but pressing his thumb with all his might over her trachea, so that not a puff of free air can enter her lungs. This is the case of croupy symptoms. ('I told you so,' whispers Nurse R.) Moreover, I find that the Rev. Dr. Bloodhound has placed a large Bible on the dear child's chest, and is standing with his whole weight upon it,'preaching the Gospel.' ('Infidel!' mutters Deacon Longprayer.) Now, it is my opinion that if the Bible was never made for such a purpose; and in that way, it can never serve divinity or humanity. I believe if Parson Bloodhound would take himself and his Bible away, that the patient would breathe easier immediately. And as to Uncle Sam's thumb, that must be got off at once. It would never slough off, under poultices. Come, Nurse Radical, let's tug away at it, and if it don't yield, we'll hitch on the pulleys of Reform, and I'll cut away at it with my sword of Truth. That thumb shall come off. Come, every man and woman, to the rescue!' shouts Dr. Garrison. 'I am in earnest. I will not equivocate. I will not excuse. I will not retreat a single inch, and I WILL BE HEARD. Ho! to the rescue! For the sake of the dear old man himself, lift his hand; unloose his clutch! See how bloated he has already become; how the fire of Liberty has died out of his eyes; how slow his heart beats for freedom; how riotous his mien, unsteady his gait. For his own dear sake, unloose his murderous, suicidal hold! Ho! to the rescue!' Uncle Sam shakes his fist; Parson Bloodhound turns pale, and trembles in his shoes; the whole household is roused; nothing is discussed but the case of poor Africa. There is hope as long as there is life. There is a God in heaven - yes, a Father on earth. Take courage! the child shall recover from this very hour. Ho! to the rescue all! 'Ho! every true and living soul, To Freedom's periled altar bear The freeman's and the Christian's whole, Tongue, pen, and vote, and prayer! One last great battle for the Right, - One short, sharp struggle to be free! To do is to succeed - our fight Is waged in Heaven's approving sight - The smile of God is victory!' H.O.S. [[line]] A PERTINENT SPEECH. A public meeting - called by the 'leading men' in the city of New York.' chiefly of the Hunker stamp, - was held in the Broadway Tabernacle on the 26th ultimo, 'for the purpose of adopting such measures as may then be deemed proper to secure the influence of our National Government in the promotion of the principles of Religious Freedom, and especially in the protection of American citizens in the enjoyment of their rights of conscience and of religious worship,and to bury their dead in such way, and with such rites, as to them may seem most appropriate, when sojourning or travelling in foreign lands.' Hon. George Wood, of Castle Garden notoriety, presided on the occasion. Letters were read from Edward Everett, D.D. Barnard, R.C. Winthrop, Abbott Lawrence, and others, in terms of congratulation and encouragement. Hiram Ketsham, Rev. Dr. Baird, Prof. Crosby, and Rev, Mr. Kirk, of Boston, were among the speakers. Just before the adjournment, the following instructive scene took place, as described by the Express - in which the mask of hypocrisy was bravely removed from the faces of the actors who took part in it: - Mr. W.J.A. Fuller arose, and craved in the indulgence of the audience for a few moments, while he read a resolution which he had prepared, and which he considered germain to the occasion, and to the subject under consideration. The Chairman objected that it was not in order, whereupon, Mr. Fuller appealed to the audience, stating that he did not wish to be misunderstood; that he did not desire to place himself in a position of antagonism to the objects of the meeting, but, on the contrary, that he endorsed its action; that the audience had given unmistakable evidence of their appreciation and approbation of the sentiment embodied in his resolution, by the applause with which they had received the concluding portion of the letter of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop; that part of the speech of the Reverend gentleman from Baltimore, wherein he had stated that he believed in the good old social Kentucky doctrine, as he styled it, and which he thus defined - 'The right of every one, no matter who, what, or where he was, to have fair play;' that extract from the Constitution of the State of New York, which had been quoted, and also, that passage in the remarks of another speaker, who had said, with so great emphasis of language, and earnestness of manner, 'This is a glorious country, because we have an open Bible and no one dare shut it.' Mr. F. continued, that he knew it was not exactly orthodox, to break in upon the arranged programme of exercises, and he had, therefore, waited very patiently until every speaker had got through and the business of the meeting was finished, before he had obtruded himself upon its attention. He warned teh audience against committing the same error themselves, that they had reprehended in others, and insisted upon his right to be heard. He stated that the report of this meeting would go forth to the world as the spontaneous expression of the people of New York, and that he was desirous of testing their nerve and their sincerity in the action they would take upon his resolution. He urged his oint with force and pertinence, until the audience were fairly won over to his side, and he was interrupted with loud and general cries of 'go on' - 'go on ' - 'let us have the resolution.' Mr. Fuller then read the resolution, which was interrupted two or three times by tumultuous appause. Resolved, That, while calling upon our government to exert its influence in behalf of the right of American citizens to freedom of religious conscience, and the privilege of worship and sepulture according to their religious faith, when travelling or sojourning in foreign hands, this meeting also pledges its earnest endeavors, and calls upon the government to exert its influence, to secure the same right and privilege to American citizens throughout the United States; and to provide that it shall not be an imprisonable, nor in any way a criminal or civil offence for Anericans, of either sex, in any part of the United States, to teach the precepts and practices of Christ to the members of their households, without regard to color, occupation or family relation. Mr. Fuller said he did not urge his resolution in a sectional or factious spirit - he disclaimed this in toto. If a movement, said he, is to be made for religious liberty, let it be as broad as Christ's injunction to his disciples. (Applause.) 'Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel unto every creature.' (Loud and prolonged cheering.) Nor did he urge it in a spirit of religious propagandism; the subject under consideration involved more vital issues, if truly discussed, than any Protestant crusade - any mere breaking down of papal restrictions. 'Let us,' said he, 'while we go abroad, also see if we have perfect toleration and religious liberty at home.' (Applause.) If a war is to be carried into Africa, the nearest point should be the most salient. (Applause.) It is not long since, that a respectable American woman - a pure, meek, Christian woman - was fined and imprisoned - incarcerated in a common jail, like a common felon - in a neighboring city, for teaching a domestic the catechism of an Orthodox church, and to read the Bible. (Applause.) Are we called then, first, to sympathise with the 'Madiais' of a foreign land, persecuted only for a similar, nay, a greater offence? - greater, inasmuch as they had more light; they acted openly and knowingly; she sinned innocently and ignorantly. Let us understand ourselves, and be true to ourselves. We are standing on free soil, where color is no bar to citizenship or to heaven. By permitting all colors to become citizens, we acknowledge that they are men, and have the rights of men. [Up to this point, Mr. F. had carried the audience completely with him, and if the resolution had been put before he touched the unclean thing of abolitionism, it would have passed nem. con.; but here commenced interruptions, hisses and exclamations of dissent and approval, that finally broke up the meeting in as grand a row as ever was seen even in this Tabernacle, so celebrated therefor. Mr. F., nothing daunted, proceeded, amid storms of hisses and applause - the meeting being equally divided. He was persistent in his effort to be heard, and said that he defied interruption, and challenged controversy - that the hissing of geese once had done good in ancient Rome, but that it never did any harm; and that he would wait until they got through. He announced this in a clear and stentorian voice, and finally got a hearing. Mr. F. had placed himself in the most elevated and conspicuous place in the Tabernacle - being in the gallery, directly behind the Speaker's desk - to which spot the audience now crowded in great numbers - some with muttered threats, and others with words of encouragement; neither of which, however, appeared to affect the speaker a whit. He kept his ground unmoved and undismayed, and after a while, again proceeded.] He continued - We believe also (or profess to) that a knowledge of Christian principles and duties is of the first importance to all men, and this imposes upon us the duty, particularly in our land, of vindicating for all men the right to religious liberty; for, without this, Christianity is as nothing. This is one of man's chief rights, the exercise of which, more than two centuries ago, planted the best seed of this nation, on a barren spot of New England. It is worthy of consideration, also, whether the natural rights to decent sepulture (which even savage races respect, and which no ordinance of State or Church can contravene,) have not been outraged in our own midst. Whether cemeteries have not been closed to so-called heretics, and dead men's bones thrust out from their tombs for disbelief (when living) in 'cardinal doctrines' of the church. The speaker said that he heartily endorsed the action of the meeting, as far as it went; but, in starting a great crusade like this, it was all important to have its basis broad enough to cover the whole ground. Let it be as broad and Catholic as the principles enunciated in the resolution - as broad as humanity and Christianity - for Christianity is a humanity intensified. [During the delivery of the preceding, the interruptions were frequent - the audience clamorous, some hissing and others applauding. The officers of the meeting and a score or more of others, who occupied the platform, begged of Mr. F. to desist, and he told them that he would soon do so, as he did not desire to injure the object of the meeting. The noise now increased to such an extent, that it was impossible to be heard. Mr. F. made ineffectual, though persistent efforts to speak amid the lull of the storm, appealing to his hearers in the name of reason and of justice, to pass his resolution. The audience was not hushed into silence until the speaker declared solemnly and earnestly] - In the name of God, then, (be stilled now and disregard this plea if you dare!) In the name of God and humanity; in the name of that God above us, laying his requirements upon us; in the name of that humanity around us, bound to us by a relationship which nothing can sever or annul, I respectfully, but earnestly, urge the passage of the resolution. When Mr. Fuller concluded, the Chairman put a motion to lay the resolution on the table, but the chaos of confusion, and the incessant noises were so great, that we could not judge whether it prevailed or not, though we believe that it did. Hereupon the meeting broke up in the greatest confusion: numbers crowded around Mr. F., some to congratulate and some to censure; and the excitement became so intense, the speaker arguing his position and justifying his course with the officers of the meeting, the speakers of the evening and a half dozen others at the same time; and knots of other disputants having taken up the matter on their own hook - that the lights were extinguished while the contest of words was going on, (cries of 'a d--d abolitionist,' 'a white nigger,' 'put him out,' 'down with him,' etc., intermingled.) with every prospect of its speedy termination in a regular knock-down and drag-out argument. The putting out of the lights somewhat cooled the ardor of the windy combatants, and those who had not already made a hurried exit in fear of a broken head if they remained, quietly dispersed. [[line]] SOUTHERN SPIRIT. The Richmond (Va.) Examiner says of Southern members, in connection with the Nebraska bill: - 'Let us show no quarter to backwardness or hesitation among our own people upon this question. Let us hang, draw and quarter, without judge or jury, the Southern traitor that lags now. Let us recognize our true friends at the North, of whatever party or classification, embrace them cordially, and treat their enemies as our enemies.' If Northern papers and Northern constituents had but a tithe of this spirit about them, in favor of liberty, would Nebraska ever be cursed with slavery? [[line]] THE PEOPLE MOVING. The citizens of Roxbury held a meeting, on Friday night, and passed resolutions against the Nebraska bill. They also took measures to call a meeting of the citizens of that Congressional District, without distinction of a party, to be held at Dedham. - Commonwealth. FAFF RIVER. The citizens of Fall River, without distinction of party, held a meeting on Monday evening the 6th instant, to oppose the Nebraska bill, and appointed to a Committee to report resolutions. Hon. N. B. Borden, L. Lapham, Esq., Dr. Hooper and others, took part in the discussion. The meeting was adjourned for one week. - Ibid.