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[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] TERMS-Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, in advance.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] Five copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment be made in advance.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] Advertisements making less than one square inserted three times for 75 cents - one square for $1.00.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Ohio Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for the Liberator.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] The following gentleman constitute the Financial Committee, but are not responsible for any of the debts of the paper, viz. : - Francis Jackson, Ellis Gray Loring, Edmund Quincy, Samuel Philbrick, and Wendell Phillips.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] In the columns of The Liberator, both sides of every question are impartially allowed a hearing.

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No Union with Slaveholders
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[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]]'Yes! IT CANNOT BE DENIED - the slaveholding lords of the South prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three special provisions TO SECURE THE PERPETUITY OF THEIR DOMINION OVER THEIR SLAVES. The first was immunity, for twenty years, of preserving the African slave trade ; the second was THE STIPULATION TO SURRENDER FUGITIVE SLAVES-an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of God, delivered from Sinai ; and, thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for SLAVES-for articles of merchandize, under the name of fact, the oppressor representing the oppressed! ... To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and slavery. Its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American Congress ; AND THEREBY TO MAKE THE PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION AND PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.' - [[italics]]John Quincy Adams.[[/italics]]

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WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.   Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind.   J.B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.

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Extract from a tumid, impudent and servile speech in favor of the Nebraska Bill, delivered in the U.S. House of Representatives, March 15, by the Hon. (!!) Samuel A. Bridges, of Pennsylvania: - 

And so with the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas now in question, as I have been informed, the laws of nature have made them inaccessible to slavery. Then wherefore this opposition to the bill, and this quarrel with the South? Is it to accomplish any good or wise purpose? or is it to renew the fire of fanatical abolitionism, to disturb the peace of the country, and endanger the Union? If the latter, it is only the fulfillment of the prediction made by a distinguished Senator, in 1850, that 'Let us legislate as we will, abolitionists will still agitate.' And so they will, until their dangerous purposes have been accomplished. And, sir, let me here ask who it is that agitates, who it is that inflames the public mind. It is abolition presses, and abolition lecturers. The latter being too indolent to procure a living by honest industry, traverse the country, sucking their existence from the people, and poisoning the public mind with their pernicious doctrines. And, as long as this practice exists, there will be excitement. The people are naturally honest and unsuspicious, but their fears are awakened and their judgments are perverted by such individuals. By listening to lecture after lecture, it is so beaten into them, that they believe the hydra-headed monster slavery is before them. They think there is reality in all the horrid pictures which are drawn before them ; and, consequently, become deeply prejudiced against the South. On the 17th of July, 1850, Mr. Webster, speaking of Northern prejudice, said: - 

'Now, sir, this prejudice has been produced by the incessant attrition of abolition doctrines by abolition presses and abolition lecturers, upon the common mind. No drum-head, in the longest day's march, was ever more incessantly beat, than the feelings of the public in certain parts of the North. They have been beaten incessantly every month, and every day, and every hour, by the din and roll, and rub-a-dub of the abolition presses, and abolition lecturers, and that is it which has created these prejudices.'

And, sir, this rub-a-dub is beginning again to be beaten in the North. I have been pained to see that a public anti-Nebraska meeting was held at the city of Hartford, in Connecticut, on the 24th ultimo, which was addressed by several Reverend gentlemen ; by men who preach from the sacred desk free salvation to all men, yet in the political arena deny them freedom of action in the social and domestic relations of life. The echo of that 'roll and rub-a-dub' will undoubtedly be heard in other sections of the North, and the most inflammatory appeals will be made to the people, to array themselves against the South ; but I have too much confidence in their intelligence and patriotism to believe that it will prove successful. The legislation of 1850 has made a favorable impression upon them. By it, they have seen the escape of their country from the greatest peril, and its noble institutions preserved and continued to them. By it, they have seen the cloud of civil war dispelled, and succeeded by the bright sun of fraternal love and peace. But, lest the whirlwind of fanaticism should again sweep across the present generally smooth and placid bosom of the public mind, I call upon the people, in the name of those martys who sacrificed their lives in the cause of freedom ; in the name of the rich legacy which they have left us ; in the name of the high destiny which awaits our great and glorious country ; in the name of morality and religion ; and by all the thrilling memories of the past, and the transcendent hopes of the future, to beware of the false and dangerous teachings of wily abolitionists, men who artfully strive to produce discord, division and revolution, and to make them their servile tools to carryout their selfish and disorganizing purposes. Men who aim an uplifted blow to strike down the pillars on which rests the noblest fabric ever reared by mortal man ; and who carry with them the torch to fire our beautiful temple of freedom. Of such men, I say, beware! Fly from them as from a pestilence, for they are their enemies, and the enemies of the nation. Like serpents, they may for a time display their fascinating colors, and charm them with their beauty, but it is only the easier to make them their victims, by drawing them more successfully within their coils, that they may subjugate and enslave them to their destroying will.

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From the New Orleans Picayune.
The work of demolition not having been quite completed by the attacks of Wendell Phillips, Lloyd Garrison and Theodore Parker upon the name and fame of Daniel Webster, a fourth crack-brain was brought to the stand, in the person of Ralph Waldo Emerson, who, mounting the tripod, whence so much lunacy has been promulgated - the platform of the Broadway Tabernacle - proceeded to put the finishing touch to the utter extinction of the memory among men of the late Senator from Massachusetts.

The particular friends of Ralph Waldo are talking the most ineffable twaddle about their pet and his speech upon that occasion ; and it would seem that another Moses had come down from the mount, with his face shining like that of an angel, and too glorious to look upon. Think of a Massachusetts man writing, and a Massachusetts editor publishing, that that was only just a very little short of an inspired oration, which attributed to the speeches of Daniel Webster 'sterility of thought,' 'want of generalization,' and an utter absence of 'a single remarkable sentence, or a single valuable aphorism, which can pass into literature from his writings!'

We do not blame this poor muddle-brain for his tirade so much as we do those who procured its utterance, and, by sanctioning it with their presence and afterwards putting it in print, seem to stamp it with a value and give it a currency it could not obtain without such aid. It is like stirring up an inmate of one of our lunatic asylums to rave, and repeating to the world all he says as gospel. This Ralph Waldo Emerson has been living in an atmosphere of intellectual fog for so many years that he has become used to it, sees the world and everything it contains through it, and thinks thick, talks thick in it like a man in a dream. A crazier fellow lives not out of bedlam, and yet he has his worshippers and admirers, who seem to have much the same sort of veneration for him as the Musselmans do for the insane, whom it is a part of their religion to revere as something beyond their capacity to fathom.

The discourse delivered by this transcendentalist orator was one of a series called 'Popular Lectures on the Subject of Slavery.' If there was a paragraph in it, from beginning to end, that had any meaning, level to a 'popular' comprehension at all, it has been most grossly misreported by the New 
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[[column 2]] York press.  Such turgid sentences, such senseless periods, such pointless paragraphs, leading to nothing, informing of nothing, savoring of nothing, were never uttered before.  And such a feather-brain to talk of Daniel Webster's lack of ability in writing and speaking, and the absence of 'a single valuable aphorism' in all his writings!

Here is a specimen of Emerson's idea of a 'valuable aphorism.' Speaking of the Fugitive Slave Law, he says: 'Laws are of no use without loyal citizens to obey them!' And here, again: 'It is of no use to vote down gravitation or morals.' And here, again: 'Liberty is not cheap: it is the result of the perfectness of man;' and once  more: 'He who commits crime, defeats the end of his existence!'

Truly enough has it been said of this unfortunate personage, that he is one of those who seem to be saying something, but the moment you would take hold of that something it collapses under your fingers like a soap-bubble.

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From the Carrollton (Md.) Statesman.


Our idea of the purity of character and honesty of motive of the clergy of our country have been sadly weakened by the acts of many who wear the cloth, particularly in the Northern States. There are clergymen, not a few, who are forever finding great crises in our affairs as a nation, when they feel called upon to save the State.  They then leave souls to take care of themselves, and most impertinently attempt to steady the ark of the government, or to guide it in safety through storms and peril. These men, in the new character of clerical politicians, sow intestine dissensions, build the fires of fanatical zeal, arm brother against brother, pour the zeal of religious enthusiasm into the caldron of political bitterness, and thus do more mischief than all their example and precept for a lifetime in their legitimate sphere can possibly atone for.

They teach that human laws may be openly resisted - nay, that it is the duty of Christians to urge open warfare with the State, whenever its constituted authorities pass a questionable law - not a warfare for repeal simply, but to direct resistance to the execution of the law. Red republicanism never vented more anarchical doctrines than they preach; anarchy never had more fiery apostles than these misnamed ministers of peace. Placing themselves in the attitude of ambassadors of Heaven, they utter the language of devils, and give counsels coming fresh from the midst of the bottomless pit. Tell them the Bible does not square with their atrocious advice, and they are ready to forswear their allegiance to it, and to dethrone Deity himself, if he teach a humanity not in keeping with theirs, or inculcates a charity whp their decaying carcasses to the contempt of the world. No deeds of patriotism, no purity of character, no lifetime of noble service in the cause of their country and of humanity, no height of genius of nobility of intellect, can save from denunciation the most bitter, railing the most terrible, if in one solitary instance the great and good has spoken or acted adverse to their ideas of right. The Nebraska bill has produced one of these clerical crises [[no period visible even though sentence naturally ends]] The pulpit thunders with denunciations that rack of the spirit of Pandemonium. Taste and elegance are discarded to find harsher epithets and ruder language than the political hustings would justify.

As the ancient Saxon carried a burning brand from house to house to arouse the whole population to arms, these men, themselves flaming firebrands, flash their hellish light from hearthstone to hearthstone, throughout the free States, to kindle civil strife, to arm brother against brother, and produce such a shock as the world has not before felt. The Parkers, Beechers and Stowes are up, and, like miniature volcanoes, belch forth fire and smoke, as though they were escape pipes of the infernal pit. The South is denounced as robbers, men of blood, unworthy of a place in God's creation. They mount the political rostrum, the lecturer's stand, and the pulpit alike, and in each their theme is the same, political agitation, resistance to the law in the name of religion and of God. 

The round heads were stimulated by just such men, who thought murder in God's name and that of the parliament perfectly justifiable, who scrupled at nothing, and had no promptings of humanity or of charity.

Glad are we that such pestilent stuff finds no countenance in the South. Here purity, piety and learning combine to honor the church and bless mankind. Here, master and slave go hand in hand to the altar, and march on together to immortality. Here, the teachings of the pulpit respect the Bible, on which our holy religion is based, and do not attempt to manufacture a God to suit political predilections, or depraved and fanatical zeal.

We hesitate not to say that more danger is threatened to this nation from the clergy who will attempt to meddle in politics, than from all other sources. Let it be a maxim with all who have an American heart, to resist all such interference, whether it be open and undisguised as that of Northern pestilent priests, or secret, as is sometimes the case in other quarters, dictating the vote as a matter of faith, or assailing, adroitly and under plea of justice, the established institutions of the land.

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The present ominous agitation of the Nebraska question has developed to the world, in various ways, the plans and projects of W.H. Seward and his organs and sattellites, in reference to their future political operations. His recent speeches and letters touching the slavery question, and the feeders thrown out from time to time by the leading journals in his interest, furnish a perfect key to his views, the principles of his party, its organization, and its active policy hereafter.

The success of Seward's party would doubtless be a victory to Lloyd Garrison, Theodore Parker, Henry Ward Beecher, and the Anglo-American abolition coalition of Stafford house; but as the death-knell of the Union would be followed by the destruction of the present overwhelming prosperity of the North in all our numerous  industrial pursuits, we have interests stronger than negro philanthropy involved in the Union, and which bind us to maintain it against all agitators and traitors who would compass its overthrow.

Let the honest Union men of the North awake. The Free Soil coalition of the administration has given a new impetus to W.H. Seward, the anti-slavery fanatics, and their seditious designs. Has our Free Soil Cabinet utterly paralyzed the Union sentiment of the North? Is W.H. Seward to be our lord paramount in 1856?  Before the expiration of another year, we shall be called upon for action. Treason is at work, and there is danger in it. -[[italics]]N.Y. Herald.[[/italics]]

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'The fat, healthy, contented negro in Georgia is happier than your Beechers, Garrisons, Gerrit Smiths, or any of the whole tribe who are laboring so hard to make the African race miserable.'- [[italics]]John Mitchel's Citizen.[[italics]]
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The devil rarely compasses a great deal of mischief among men of sense, when he introduces himself with [[italics]]'horns and hoofs.'[[/italics]] The 'cloven foot,' when fully exposed is, generally speaking, a sufficient token of Satanic presence to put most people a little on their guard. It is when the Prince of Evil assumes the form of an [[italics]]'Angel of Light,'[[/italics]] that he succeeds best in deceiving those whom he would destroy. When the cloak of religion is put on to cover the ugly deformities of bald infidelity, we have most to fear. The ravings of such men as Voltaire, and Tom Paine, and Abner Kneeland, are heeded only as the howling of an offensive wind. They make little or no impression, for the reason that such men are honest enough to tell the world that they are infidels, and so the world as advertised to look out for them and their teachings, and treat them accordingly. But when infidels turn [[italics]]preachers,[[/italics]] and profess to be [[italics]]Christian[[/italics]] ministers, and pretend to preach the Gospel, it is then that they are in the way of doing infinite mischief. We have frequently called attention to the infidel sentiments which Theodore Parker, of this city, puts forth from time to time, under color of preaching the Gospel, as a minister of Christ.
It may be that some persons, who are not fully aware of this man's sentiments, and the injury which they are doing in the world, are inclined to the opinion, that he has been over-severely dealt with by those who ought to look upon him and his doctrines with the eye and heart of a large charity. The best arguments wherewith to convince such people of their error are the facts, as they come forth, from time to time, in the wild declamations of this gifted but most misguided man.

The last infidel sentiment which we have met with, as coming from this preacher of death, is the following shameless piece of blasphemy.
In speaking of the Protestant churches, in his Anti-Nebraska sermon, he says:-'The foremost sect of them all debated, a little while ago, whether it should have a litany, and on what terms it should admit young men to the communion table -[[italics]] allow them to drink "grocer's wine" and eat "baker's bread" on the Lord's "day," in the Lord's "house." '[[/italics]]

Did the blistered lips of the vilest infidel ever distil a more deliberate sentence of sarcastic contempt of the most solemn ordinance instituted by the Lord Jesus Christ? A man who can utter such a sentence, and pretend to be a preacher of the gospel, may well claim the distinction of a degree of godless boldness, which would put a whole regiment of French infidels to the blush.-[[italics]]Boston (Episcopal) Christian Witness.[[/italics]]

[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] A beautiful specimen of 'Christian' courtesy and meekness! This 'Witness' which is so shocked at Mr. Parker's reference te eating 'baker's bread,' (is it not such?) and drinking 'grocer's wine,' (is it any thing else?) is the mouth-piece of a denomination which is in religious fellowship with men-stealers and slaveholders, and which arrays itself against every effort for the emancipation of those held in bondage. It is the old trick of straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel - of accusing Jesus of being a Sabbath-breaker and having a devil. Mr. Parker's guilt is no worse than was that of Isaiah, when he inquired of the sanctimonious, ceremonial, hollow-hearted Jews-'To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me? saith the Lord. Incense is an abomination unto me; the new moons and sabbaths, the calling of assemblies, I cannot away with; it is iniquity, even the solemn meeting.' And had the editor of this false 'Witness' lived in the days of the prophet, he would have reviled and anathematized him as strongly as he has Mr. Parker, and for a similar reason.

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From the Essex County Freeman.


'Marriage is the woman a state of slavery. It takes from her the right to have her own property, and makes her submissive in all things to her husband.'-LUCY STONE.

I trust, Miss Stone, you are willing to be forgiven for saying that, because, if you are, I will be one to help forgive you. As matrimony is something you know nothing about, having never worn its silken chains,
we will not consider the question as settled, until we have heard more about it. Marriage gives me the privilege to [[italics]]love[[/italics]], and be [[italics]]loved[[/italics]]; to have one heart [[italics]]all my own[[/italics]], whose duty, and age, whose delight it is to cherish, and tenderly care for me in health, to watch around my pillow in sickness, to beguile my otherwise wearisome hours with tones of affection, and strew all life's paths with flowers.  It gives me the right to abide here in love's sanctuary, while he shall go forth to the duties of the day that demand his attention.  It gives me the right to make his home happy--to be ready to meet him with a glad smile when he shall retire from the trials and cares incident to a life of business.  It gives me the right to be a co-worker with him in the paths of life which we are called to fill as stewards of our Divine Master.  It gives me a right to make this place what God designed it to be, [[italics]]a home![[/italics]]  To watch over him when sick, to minister to all his wants, and make him feel that [[italics]]here[[/italics]] he can find rest, which those who have not that loving heart on which to repose can never appreciate! Marriage gives me the right to guide that infant mind that is at this moment looking up in my face, asking for light.  It is mine to answer  all those questions, and give direction to that intellect which must still exist when words have passed away.  What object can I have on earth, more worthy of my time and attention, than the care of the physical, intellectual and moral education of that immortal soul?  I ask no higher, or other, except grace and ability to discharge these duties.

Can you tell [[italics]]me[[/italics]] that marriage is slavery?  If it is, I thank God that I am a slave--that I have worn its chains for years--that they are still bright and glittering; and I would not exchange them for the monarch's crown!

And daily as I bow the knee before God, my heart rises in thankfulness to Him who instituted marriage; that it has been handed down to us from the garden of Eden in all its original purity, (and can we say this in regard to any other law?)  And if the ties that have  so long bound us with its silken chains were to be severed this day, I should bless God for that pure and unalloyed happiness we have ever enjoyed in the dear relation of husband and wife!   *
Salem, Mass.

[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]] This sentimental effusion disproves not a word uttered by Miss Stone, in regard to the legal submission and control of the wife by the husband.  If, luckily, the writer of it has found the chains of matrimony in her own case to be silken, there are multitudes of wives who feel them to be iron, and who are as sternly doom-
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ed by law to work them, as are the slaves  on the Southern plantations.  What Miss Stone demands is, simply, that, in marriage, woman shall be legally the equal of man, so that her personal rights shall not be invaded, and she shall have the control of her own  property.  What can be more reasonable than this?

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From the New York Journal of Commerce.


John Mitchel complains that he was condemned by a packed jury, and by a judge not greatly to be esteemed.  The jury no doubt was packed as all juries are; for the material they are made of is twelve honest men; and willing or not willing, they are clapped into a box, and kept there.  Perhaps the material may not always suit the case in hand, even with all the picking out and challenging which parties are allowed.  It does not appear possible, however, that, in the case of John Mitchel, the character of the material submitted to this packing operation would have been of the the slightest consequence as to finding whether the facts charged were true or not.  John Mitchel might have taken the place of the jury, or, instead of the honest men and true, have set up twelve photographs of himself, and taken in person his seat upon the bench as judge.  He could not charge the jury, without instructing them to bring in a verdict of guilty.  And if he had whipped off the bench, and become foreman himself, he must have offered that verdict to be recorded.  He has done little else than tell the people of this country that he was guilty, ever since he came here.  He has been all the judge and all the jury in his own person, and has let nobody entertain a doubt of his guilt, nor of the clever policy of the British government in letting him run away. Had he been in Sing Sing or Auburn, he would not have found the opportunity so contemptuously patent.

That some of the Irish in this country hate England intensely is undoubtedly true, but it is not those who love Christianity, nor those who have come pouring out of Ireland to escape from priestdom and the harassing bigotry of relations and clans and factions, and whose children now are frequenting our schools, and growing up to be Christian citizens.  This intense hatred of England sinks down and rests in that sub-stratum below the good and the useful of the community, which has crept out of Ireland into our great cities, and is found occupying the same position in London, in Glasgow, and throughout all the large towns of Great Britain.

There is reason for deep condemnation of England, but not altogether for what such men would allege as grounds for hatred.  Those who read history, know that the heaviest oppressors of Ireland were Ireland's own Houses of Parliament; and that from their vile hands came the atrocities of legislation under which Ireland shriveled.  The heavy taxation of Britain did not extend to Ireland.  Amelioration really came when Great Britain assumed direct jurisdiction over the country.

England is deeply guilty in respect to Ireland and to the world.  That is settled by the fact that such a race of men is streaming out of that country, dogging the steps of the Anglo-Saxon race wherever they go.  Their character and their wretchedness are the witnesses against England.  The crime was this--not that they were oppressed by England, but that they were left to internal oppression, and became trained to cower under and endure it.  The crime was--heartless and perilous neglect.  Having, at the hand of Providence, received Ireland to be trained (as the Celtic people of Scotland were by its institutions trained) to Christianity, steadfast, pure and free--England fulfilled not that duty; but held the mass of the population for centuries with a haughty and careless dominion, untaught, uncivilized, and unwon.

This country has succeeded, in some degree, to the same office in respect to the Irish people.  Let there be the lofty contrast of fulfilling the duty earnestly and tenderly. Let it be understood that they come to a land in which they are welcomed, with the  desire that the unbiased judgment yield itself, of its own freedom, to the influence of the Gospel.  Let provision be made to help and to benefit them in every way, that they may be made sound Christian men, as it becomes a citizen of this land to be.

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From the Worcester Spy.


John Mitchel in a recent number of his paper, publishes an address to his 'countrymen,' in which the following paragraph occurs :--

'Rumors  are current  among gossiping newspapers here in New York, pointing to some definite and organized plan now actually on foot in America, for giving practical expression to this yearning and passionate longing for a fair and feasible enterprise in the cause of freedom and honor.  They even indicate the precise design--an invasion of Canada by Irishmen from the United States.  Of course, our countrymen will know how much confidence is to be placed in all this.  And they will ask no more, at present, [[italics]]than to be assured that certain Irishmen in New York, men who have the nearest and dearest  interest in the CAUSE, have resolved, if a fair occasion arises, to avail themselves of it, and to ask a sufficient number of you to help them.'[[/italics]]

If John Mitchel's confessions in relation to a slave plantation in Alabama, show how little he can appreciate the true spirit of liberty, the above paragraph shows how little he cares for the obligations of hospitality.  Here is a man, who was a fugitive and a stranger, a few months ago, and who was allowed, by our hospitable laws all the benefits and privileges of a free asylum.  He had rebelled against a power with which the United States are in intimate and friendly intercourse, and had escaped from the exile to which that power condemned him.  But we received him, nevertheless, with honor and with a hearty welcome.  And Great Britain, respecting our laws, our republican sentiments, and our power as a nation, took no notice either of our 'guest,' or our manner of receiving him.  Mr. Mitchel, however, does not seem to have such a delicate appreciation of the relation in which he stands towards us, and  towards the country with which we are in unity.  He has the audacity to counsel the organization of Irishmen, in our country, for the purpose of invading a friendly State.  He has the hardihood to ignore the  laws of the United States, in relation to the intercourse of her own citizens with foreign friendly powers, and excites men, who are not citizens, to attack our friends and neighbors from our shores.  It is true, that John Mitchel's [[italics]]present[[/italics]] declaration of war against Great Britain may be as vapid and as little dangerous as his former vitriol rebellion; but that is no excuse for his violation of the laws of hospitality.

We should not have referred to this war manifesto, if we did not know that such manifestoes, and such demonstrations as Mitchel proposes, react most unfavorably upon those who get them up.  It is to just such exhibitions that we must trace the 'Native Americanism' that has manifested it-

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self before, and which manifests  itself so intensely now, in some quarters.

The laws of this country are liberal to foreigners.  The land, and all its enterprises, are open to them, and we think it shows bad taste, if it does not exhibit want of sense, when foreigners foster the hatreds and prejudices of their several nationalities among us.  If the Irish have any quarrel with Great Britain, we have not; and they should remember that [[italics]]our[[/italics]] country ought to be sacredly respected by them, and made the theatre of their national quarrels.

John Mitchel should remember that this is America, and that he does his countrymen a mortal injury, in the eyes of Americans, when he organizes them for purposes that are exclusively Irish, and decidedly anti-American.  It would be well for Irishmen to abandon their absurd nationalism, and try all they can to become Americanized.

Nobody ever hears of the 'English or Scotch vote,' and it would have been well for Irishmen if such a thing as the 'Irish vote' had never been heard of in America.  It has given them an invidious distinction in this country--it has brought them the flattery and favor of demagogues, but it has gained them the antipathy of the general community.  Such conduct as that of John Mitchel, and of Archbishop Hughes, of New York, should be sternly repudiated by Irishmen, if they do not wish 'Know Nothing' societies to flourish.

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The [[italics]]Pilot[[/italics]], the Boston organ of the Irish Catholics assures us that the folly of John Mitchel is not endorsed in Ireland.  It copies the following from a leading Irishman in that country :--

'The fourth number of Mr. Mitchel's [[italics]]Citizen[[/italics]] has come to hand.  It contains a defence of his pro-slavery opinions, and an elaborate justification of Suicide! The latter will be found in the Jail Journal, copied into another page of the [[italics]]Nation.[[/italics]]  Under many provocations, we have never written a line against any of the men who once formed the Irish Confederation, however far some of them have strayed away from its original principles.  But Mr. Mitchel is making silence impossible.  He is systematically justifying the slanders which painted the Confederators as banditti in politics, and infidels in religion.  His first number denounced every social and political organization in the country, except the Ribbon Lodge and Ryan Puck.  His second justified and applauded the buying, selling and scourging of black slaves.  The third insisted on our connecting our ancient and pious struggle for Irish Independence with the conspiracy of a banditti of continental Deists.  The fourth defends and justifies the crime of self-murder.  Unless he declares for Mormonism, or Proudhomism in the fifth, he has left himself no climax of mischief or absurdity.'

With respect to the course of the American papers, in treating Mr. Mitchel's [[italics]]Citizen[[/italics]] as an exponent of Irish opinions, the same writer continues :--

'This is a mistake.  It is true of neither the present nor the past.  We have not met one man in Ireland who agrees with Mr. Mitchel; and in America, we feel convinced John Dillon, M'Gee, O'Gorman, and  the other historic exiles, are quite as much amazed and outraged by his gallimatias as we at home.'

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John Mitchel, in the last number of the [[italics]]Citizen,[[/italics]] says the Irish companies in New York ought to muster five thousand men.  'It is the most rational, and the most NATIONAL way in which they can spend a little time and money.  And we are delighted to know that the Captains of companies are making uncommon exertions just at this moment to promote enrolment.'

[[italics]]Irish[[/italics]] companies?--using [[italics]]uncommon[[/italics]] exertions to increase 'armed Irishmen'? in order to keep up their nationality?  Every man engaged in the scheme is false to Republican America. --[[italics]]N.Y. Banner of Industry. [[/italics]]

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A gentleman in New Orleans having undertaken to catechise Mr. Meagher, respecting his opinions on human slavery, that gentleman addressed him the following note in reply: 

    Wednesday, March 24, 1854.   }

Mr. Meagher presents his compliments to Mr. Haughton, and begs to state, he does not recognise in Mr. Haughton, or any other person, or the public generally, any right or title whatsoever to require from him an expression of opinion respecting the question of African slavery in America.

Mr. Meagher holds himself, upon all such questions, wholly irresponsible for his opinions, his silence, or his action, to Mr. Haughton, or to any other gentleman, or to the public at large, or any portion thereof.

Mr. Meagher begs leave to add, that he has taken the preparatory oath of allegiance to the Constitution, laws and sovereignty of the Republic of the U- States; that he is not yet a citizen; that three years have yet to elapse before he is one; that he  postpones till then his declaration of opinion regarding African slavery in America, and every other question affecting the joint compact and Constitution of the several States.

[[image: hand with index finger pointing to text]]  This scurvy dodge is even more contemptible, if possible, than the barefaced advocacy of slavery by John Mitchel.  At the end of three years, when he shall have become naturalized, Mr. Meagher may have an opinion to express respecting American slavery!

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In America, notwithstanding the infamous Fugitive Surrender Bill, with which the Norther compromisers hoped to satisfy the slave-owners, the whole question of slavery comes again into dispute: the South wanting to introduce slavery into the Nebraska territory.  And the North will give way, for truckling cowardice begets continual compromise.

But if we throw contempt on Douglas, on General Case, and others American-born, for their complicity in this iniquitous work, with what measure of abhorrence shall we scourge the felon John Mitchel, the ex-Irish patriot and escaped convict, who, in his newspaper, the [[italics]]Citizen[[/italics]], volunteers to defend the institution of slavery, and, like a liar, as he is, denies that he ever pretended to struggle for any freedom in Ireland except the mere freedom from British supremacy!  Meagher's name is printed as his co-editor.  Will not Meagher turn from him?  Must two lie in so mean and narrow a grave?  Cannot Meagher rise to the height of O'Connell? --a man not over honest, yet too noble to be a Mitchel.  We were wrong in once classing O'Connell with the palterers of this slave question.--
[[italics]]Linton's English Republic.[[/italics]]
[[/end column 5]]

[[column 6]]

From the Cleveland Leader.
NEW ORLEANS, March 24th, '54.

EDS. LEADER :--I am here safe and sound--had all sorts of a time, but nothing remarkable.  Montgomery, the capital of Alabama, is not a very pleasant place.  The streets are disagreeably muddy, and when dry are awful dusty, the soil being the prevailing red clay of all the South.  The houses are mostly built of miserable colored brick, and many of them are plastered, or have been.  I saw here a sale of negroes, wagons, mules, &c., &c.  I will give you a few of the prices which I took down--most of them were sold on 12 mo. approved paper.

Woman and small child, $1050; man aged 19, $950; man and wife aged 18 and 17, $2000; boy aged 14, $640; girl aged 10, $525; man aged 24, $860; boy aged 11, white, $585; boy aged 11, white, $625; woman aged 25, $900; man and little boy, aged 50, $1020; woman aged 46, $395; man with the [[italics]]gravel,[[/italics]] aged 19, $700; man, perfect aged 40, $1600; woman 40, girl 8, $600; man aged 27, $1410; boy aged 12, $725; girl aged 4, $300; girl good looking, aged 14, $855; girl, a little blacker, aged 15, $845.

There were four auctioneers crying at a time, (not for sorrow, but for money,} and the darkies were showed up, turned about, and the women [[italics]]felt of[[/italics]], and asked questions of their capacity and health.  One boy brought about $50 more for having a row of pins stuck on his coat sleeve.  The auctioneer got him up to a point, where he stuck.  He praised the negro, reiterated his good qualities, and yelled a-going till he was red in the face, and no advance.  All of a sudden he discovered the row of pins.  'Why, gentlemen,' said he, 'this "nigger" is worth his weight in gold.  Some "boys" will waste more in a year than they are worth, but this "feller" is the most careful, saving hand in the world.  A nigger that will pick up such little things as [[italics]]pins[[/italics]] and save 'em, why, gentlemen, you can't give too much for him.  Only look here,' and he showed the proof of his saving [[italics]]propensity[[/italics]], and he soon run up $50 higher.  All were first rate, and 'sold for no fault.'  If the negroes had believed half that was said in their praise, they would be excusable for being vain.  One little boy, when they stood him on the box, cried and sobbed as if his heart would break.  An old black woman (his grandmother) tried to comfort him.  He clung to her neck and hid his face in her bosom.  'Come, come, Billy,' says the auctioneer, 'don't cry, we'll get you a nice place.  Going at [[italics]]only[[/italics]] 575-75-75,80, thank you, sir.  80-80, hold up your head, Billy, you shall have a good place.  Who'll give 85? Just going at 80,' &c., till he was at last struck off at $585, but if he got a 'nice place,' I don't think the auctioneer's [[italics]]promise[[/italics]] had much to do with it.

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A large and an enthusiastic meeting of the Democratic Germans of Cincinnati was recently held in that city, in opposition to the Nebraska Bill.  We subjoin the resolutions that were adopted on the occasion :--

This meeting, composed of Germans, speaking German, but nevertheless free American citizens of Cincinnati, hereby adopt the following resolutions:

1st. Liberty and right, and not slavery and might, are the fundamental principles of the institutions of this country; an equality of right between slavery and freedom is, therefore out of the question.

2nd. The people gave power to Congress, an
not Congress to the people.  The Congressio
grant of territorial government is therefore a
tive wrong.

3d. Neither the General Government, no
other Government, can, under the Consti
recognize slavery beyond State limits. Un
Constitution of the United States, when r
ly exercised, slavery must give way to freed
the sovereign power of the States alone
the first abrogation.

4th. There is constitutionally and righ
property in man.  Might alone, which c
reached, reduces men anywhere in th
States to cattle.  Slavery is an eternal d
of war against humanity, and it exists b
same basis as martial law.

5th. The Nebraska Bill, contains two u
assertions of power on the part of Cong

First that the General Government may
the state of freedom, and of the inaliena
of man; and, Second, that it can recog

Never yet has a law of liberty been rep
America, and it should not be done now,
public and private rights are intended to

6th.  The Nebraska Bill strengthens th
of the President, and weakens that of Con
a tendency we disapprove.

7th. The following has been promulgated
us during the Nebraska discussion:

A. That the Compromise of 1850 abr

B. That the bill confers upon the people i
  Territories the right to organize their

C. That the bill is not favorable to the spr
   of slavery.

D. That slavery cannot exist without posit
  law, as if might were not its only basis.

We surely have not deserved at the hands of the President and [[italics]]his[[/italics]] newspaper, that in addition to betraying us, they should also lie to us.

8th. That the Nebraska Bill, like the constitution granted by princes, conceals behind fair, unmeaning phrases, tendencies dangerous to freedom.

9th.  Local laws--local rights--and still less local wrongs, do not migrate with the emigrant.  It is absurd to contend, that [[italics]]one[[/italics]] malicious slaveholder may, with a few slaves, compel the inhabitants of Territories to abrogate liberty and recognize slavery.  Shall liberty, the legitimate child of American institutions give way to slavery?  Shall liberty be the step-child, and slavery the darling?

10th. The Nebraska Bill is an invitation to slaveholders to migrate with their slaves into the Territories.  It prolongs injustice, gives it permanence, and covers it with the national seal.  Unborn millions are made slaves by it, and this increases the number of the victims.

11th.  The sole difference between the  so-called intervention of the Missouri compromise, and the so-called intervention of the Nebraska Bill, consists in this: The first prohibits slavery, and protects freedom,--the latter repels freedom, and guarantees slavery.

12th.  The people of Nebraska do not ask the General Government for governors or other officers.  It wants the military protection, which, under the circumstances, is its due.  Nebraska, asks for a fish, and it gives it a snake.  The proffered popular sovereignty is the bitterest wrong, since its first wish for a territorial government without slavery has been trodden under foot.

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[[end page]]

Transcription Notes:
In column 6, in the article "MEETING OF DEMOCRATIC GERMANS", the right edge of the page is ripped away, leaving partial sentences. I will transcribe up to the ripped portion of each line. The first paragraph affected by the rip, begins with "2nd. The people gave power....". The last paragraph affected by the rip begins with "7th. The following has been promulgated"..., and ends with section "D. That slavery cannot exist without posit". The first complete paragraph below the rip, begins "We surely have not deserved at the hands of the"...