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62          THE LIBERATOR.          APRIL 21.
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14th. That we approve heartily the proposition for [[italics]] an anti-corruption State Convention [[italics]], as suggested by the Democrats of Paulding county.  We would name the first Monday in June as the proper day, and Messrs. Fred. Beliods, D. Schneider and Augustus Renz be and are hereby nominated as our delegates to the same.

15th. That we would further most respectfully propose, that Nebraska Societies be organized in every city in the Union, with the view to assist, for the sake of liberty, the migration of free laborers into Nebraska, by aiding them with gifts of agricultural implements, cattle, and other means.

15th. That these resolves be published in all our city journals favorable to constitutional liberty, and that copies be transmitted to the President of the United States, and also to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, with the request to lay them before their respective Houses.

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EX-PRESIDENT FILLMORE.

After a quiet and passive existence of about a year from the time when he stepped from that pedestal which death enabled him to reach, the renowned signer of the 'Fugitive Law' seems to have become inspired anew with mundane visions of glory and renown.  The burthen of his reputation was so disgusting to the public sense that even the damning act which secured to him an immortality of infamy, could hardly keep him in the memory of his contemporaries, and for nearly a year he has been permitted to sink below the horizon of public notice and criticism.  At length, however, he seems to have been impressed with the notion that 'it will not do to give it up so,' and we now find him seeking, among those to whom he betrayed the interests of the north and liberty, the reward of his treachery and villainy.  Processions and banners, music and eulogy, greet him in that land reeking with blood and cruelty, on whose altars he has sacrificed the most sacred rights of three millions of human beings.

There appears to be a sort of discretion in the instinct which caused him to turn away from the north, which he insulted and betrayed, and which now loathes him, in order to be fanned by these southern gales, laden with the odor of crimes, which he has done so much to stimulate and encourage.  It is fitting that men-stealers, who riot and luxuriate on the blood and sweat of their victims, should sing the praises of one, who for them and their villainies has forfeited all his chances of peace on earth, and happiness hereafter.  They would not grant him the boon which he aimed to earn and secure by his baseness, but they do not disdain to bait others to imitate their example by those shallow honors which captivate dishonest meanness.  The slaveholders exhibit their satanic wisdom by such acts as these towards the instruments of their inhuman policy and ambition, and if they are not wicked in their demonstrations, the freemen of the north should execrate with hisses and scorn the same characters which the slaveholders applaud, should they attempt to desecrate our northern soil with their unhallowed footsteps. - [[italics]] Dedham Gaz. [[/italics]]

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From the American Baptist.

PRES. WAYLAND'S ANTI-NEBRASKA SPEECH.

We copy with pleasure this remarkable speech, as we find it in several of our exchanges.

The speech is a strong anti-slavery document.  It asserts, directly and without evasion, the 'radical' principle from which, as from a comprehensive germ, the entire abolition movement has been developed.  'If,' it declares, 'there be any moral or social principle more obvious or more universal than any other, it is this, that [[italics]] every man has a right to himself. [[/italics]]  He possesses this right as a man, because he is a man, in virtue simply of his humanity.'  The consummation of all that the anti-slavery enterprise has ever contemplated, demands but the consistent application of this 'obvious' and 'universal' principle.  Nor, according to the 'ultra' doctrine of President Wayland, is anything which contravenes such application, to be regarded as sacred or holy.  'The Union itself,' he says, 'becomes to me an accursed thing, if I must first steep it in the tears and blood of those for whom Christ died.'

This is excellent, - and, were it the utterance of William Lloyd Garrison, would seem appropriate; but, coming from the lips of Francis Wayland, we must be permitted to think that it sounds somewhat strangely.  We are glad to hear it; but - [[italics]] why is it so late? [[/italics]]  Had he, and the other leaders of the conservative classes, with whom he has formerly sympathized and acted, done this at the proper time, - there would have been, now, no Nebraska bill for him or them to oppose.  Had he planted himself, in the beginning of the great contest which for the last twenty years has been waged between slavery and freedom, upon the obvious, universal principle that [[italics]] every man has a right to himself, [[/italics]] - and had he boldly pronounced the Union itself, if maintained by permitting the invasion of that right, an accursed thing, instead of seeking to demonstrate, by a careful measurement of the 'limitations of human responsibility,' that we are under no obligation to rebuke the wrong-doer until he is ready and willing to hear us, - his speech, if the occasion for it had arisen, would have had, what it now lacks, the merit of consistency with his previous life.

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Even without such consistency, the speech is a [[missing text]] one; and we find in it ample justification of [[missing text]] refusal, as free missionists, to co-operate in [[missing text]] work of publishing the gospel to the nations, [[missing text]] slaveholders, or with pro-slavery organiza- [[missing text]]  If every man has a right to himself, the in- [[missing text]] of that right is guilty of a great wrong.  We [[missing text]] accept, for religious purposes, the avails of [[missing text]] without becoming participants with [[missing text]] wrong-doer.  If the man who sells on the auction block, as a slave, the brother with whom he [[missing text]] been sitting at the communion table, for- [[missing text]] doing his Christian character, - we can- [[missing text]] receive into the missionary treasury, [[missing text]] or in part, the money obtained by such [[missing text]] a like forfeiture.  And if a political [[missing text]] steeped in the blood and tears of those for [[missing text]] Christ died, is accursed, - how can a Mis- [[missing text]] Union, that cordially fraternizes with the [[missing text]], but forbears to deliver such as are [[missing text]] them to death, be blessed?

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THE PUBLIC AND POLITICS.

[[missing text]] Boston [[italics]] Bee [[/italics]] says, that the Rev. E. N. Kirk, in [[missing text]] Day discourse, made some remarks specially [[missing text]] to the present state of things - as follows:

[[missing text]] [[italics]] is the relation of the Pulpit to Politics? [[/italics]]  As [[missing text]] the clergyman has the same interest in the [[missing text]] of the nation as any other citizen.  But he [[missing text]] to introduce into his religious ministra- [[missing text]] either of two classes of topics: the questions [[missing text]] policy on which political parties are organ- [[missing text]]; and the measures of government which affect [[missing text]] the temporal or secular interests of men. [[/lefthand side of paper torn away]]  But the moment legislation enters the territory where the public morals are affected, either by the injustice or irreligion of the enactment, or by its subsequent influence on the character of the nation, then there is no question as to the duty of ministers of religion; then we ask leave, neither of parishioners nor statesmen, of ecclesiastical popes nor political popes, to speak in the name of Him whom we serve.

Since the days of the first degeneracy of the Church, when the clergy became the guardians of the people against the civil lords; only themselves to play the tyrant; there probably never has been, down to the present day, a body of clergymen who have maintained so honorable and healthful a relation to civilians, statesmen, and the civil government, as the present corps of American clergymen.  And I am sure I speak the sentiment of the profession in saying - we are most earnestly desirous, and, on our part, determined to maintain this position.  Thus far, statesmen and civilians have felt that in their appropriate work and sphere, they need apprehend no interference by clergymen. - We shall vote as citizens, according to our personal convictions; but no use our official influence to affect questions of merely secular policy.  We will not even interfere with their schemes of personal ambition, so long as they confine themselves to the sphere of material interests.  But if a Cataline arises to sell his country to Satan or the slaveholders, he must not expect us to stand by, and see everything we hold dear as men, as patriots and Christians, sold in the shambles, without making our voices to be heard.  No honest statesmen, of any party, need fear us.  But we, by the grace of God, wield a power against iniquity, which they will learn to dread, if they have not yet.  Indeed, if we are right, they cannot resist us.  I state this, neither to boast nor to threaten; but in the name of my brethren, to inform certain men in this country, that they must hereafter lay their plans in reference to the existence of a fact, which some of them seem to have overlooked.

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EMANCIPATION OF SLAVES.

We translate the message of President Monagas of Venezuela to the Chamber of Representatives of that Republic, advocating the emancipation of the slaves.

     [[italics]] Hon. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: [[/italics]]- I would fail in a faithful compliance with the high and responsible duties attaching to my position, if I should neglect to have my voice heard in the sacred precincts of the Legislative Halls of the country, under the circumstances which at present exist.  You are discussing a vital question - an unmitigated evil, rather, for it ought not to be qualified as a question, since human liberty should not be placed in doubt or contradiction, especially in Venezuela, whence for so many years the cry of liberty has gone forth, and in which so much blood has been shed in the maintenance of this inestimable blessing.  You should not fail to abolish slavery with as little delay as possible.  You then will have performed a sacred duty in the highest conception of the word.  Slavery is, gentlemen, as the great Bolivar said, 'the infraction of all laws, and the violation of human dignity.'  Venezuela has sworn to the sacred dogma of equality; Venezuela glories in herself as having been the first to recognize the great principal of popular sovereignty, which is the origin and source of all authority; Venezuela ought not, therefore, to appear any longer in the eyes of the world with the stain of slavery upon her.
     What just right have we, gentlemen, to preserve any longer this title of ignominy which has been bequeathed to us by past generations?  None.  Know you not, Honorable Representatives, that without equality, all liberties and rights perish, and that with slavery there can be no equality?  Let me encourage you, then, not to abandon the consideration of this important measure.  Adopt the best mode to abolish slavery, without violating the rights of those who possess slaves.  Do not end your sessions, without sanctioning a just and holy law, one worthy of political illustration, and in harmony with the liberal principles which have guided us until now.
     I ask it of you, gentlemen, with all the enthusiasm of my republican heart, I demand it of you in the name of the country, in the name of the constitution which we have sworn to defend, and which sanctions the liberty and equality of all Venezuelans, without regard to rank, color or condition.
     CARACAS, March 10th, 1854, 25th year of the law, and 44th of the Independence.
     JOSE GREGORIO MONAGAS, President.
     SIMON PLANAS, Secretary.

We learn from private sources that the effect of the above message was such as to cause the immediate passage of the emancipation bill of Congress.  This secures the liberty of 16,480 slaves.  It will, we trust, promote the fortunes of this flourishing Republic, and in any event, it entitles Jose Gregorio Monagas to the respect and admiration of the friends of humanity. - [[italics]] Phil. North American. [[/italics]]

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CARDINAL BEDINI.

Cardinal Bedini, during his late visit to this country, found himself everywhere preceded by rumors of certain atrocious crimes and barbarities perpetrated upon the patriots of Bologna, under his sanction and authority, as Governor of that city.  He was annoyed by popular demonstrations, hanged in effigy like the author of the Nebraska Bill, and finally compelled, as he supposed, to leave the country in a very private manner, and with a reputation by no means exhaling the odor of sanctity.  He has seized the first moment of leisure, on reaching England, to do himself justice in the eyes of the world, by addressing a letter to his 'Grace the Archbishop of Baltimore.'  He undertakes no specific denial of the charges brought against him; but claims for his exercise of civil and ecclesiastical authority in Bologna, the direct approval of Heaven, manifested by a miracle.  An image of the Blessed Virgin of Rimini, it would seem, actually rolled up its eyes in a pious ecstacy [sic] of gratitude for the blessing of such a Governor as Monsignor Bedini!  'That portentous moving of the pupils,' says the Cardinal, 'took place precisely during my civil jurisdiction, when I presided over the Government of Bologna!'  Of course, then, all must be right.  What if Ugo Bassi was skinned alive?  What if scores of other patriots were smothered in dungeons, or handed over to the Austrians to be shot?  The miracle sanctifies all this.  The Blessed Virgin of Rimini has winked her approval, with such 'a prodigious movement of her eyes' as to satisfy all but heretics. - J. G. WS. - [[italics]] National Era. [[/italics]]

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ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. - Ran away last evening, about 4 o'clock, SARAH MARSHALL, a light mulatto girl, about 20 years of age, with blue eyes and black hair, and might easily pass for white, if not closely inspected.  She is of medium size, and well dressed, wearing some jewelry.  Captains of ships, steamboats, &c, are cautioned against harboring her.  The above reward will be paid to any person returning her to No. 133 Baronne street, or lodging her in any of the city jails.  THOS. J FRISBY.

The age of chivalry has not gone, at least in the United States, as appears by such chivalric advertisements as the above in the New Orleans papers.  Listen, ye mothers, wives, and sisters of the North!  Here is one of your sex, 'with blue eyes and black hair, and might easily pass for white,' advertised by a man as a runaway - worth a cool hundred if returned or lodged in jail!  Her crime?  The same that Warren died for and Washington triumphed in - the same as that the matrons and maidens of the Revolution, through eight long years, were the guardian angels of - the love of liberty.

Are we not prepared to lend heart and hope to European Democrats when American men sell, scourge, lodge in prison, white girls with blue eyes and dark hair?  Answer, Young America, with and without consultships! - [[italics]] Tribuine. [[/italics]]

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The New Orleans [[italics]] Daily True Delta [[/italics]] of the 30th inst. contains the following, side by side in contiguous columns:

[[left-hand column]] Courage! - Who will be a slave,
That has strength to dig a grave,
And therein his fetters hide,
And lay a tyrant by his side!
Courage! - Hope, howe'er he fly
For a time, can [[italics]] never [[/italics]] die!
Courage, therefore, brother men!
Cry '[[italics]] God! [[/italics]]' and to the fight again!  [[/left-hand column]]

[[right-hand column]] RUNAWAY, on the 20th February last, a negro man named SEVERIN, yellow complexion, with long, curly hair; his teeth are very much decayed, speaks French and English, and is a very intelligent fellow, and is in the habit of getting work at painting and whitewashing houses.  Said boy is about 24 years of age, and will probably pass as a free man.  A reward of $50 will be given for him, and $100 for evidence to convict any free person for harboring or employing him.  DANIEL BLOCK, 307 Camp st. [[right-hand column]]

It ought to be evident by this time, that our Southern brethren live in the wrong country, and talk a great deal of nonsense in consequence.  They should either abolish their peculiar institution, or change their political system.  Slavery requires a despotism like that of Russia to save it from being absurd, as well as pernicious and inhuman. - [[italics]] N. Y. Tribune of April [[/italics]] 14.

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A NEW INSTITUTION.  We were shown on Saturday, a new description of bills, just issued in this city, and evidently more on the bogus principle than the famed 'wild cats' of Michigan.  The bills are of the denomination of $500, on the 'Bank of Nebraska,' 'secured by public pledge against foreigners' - with a promise to pay on demand, at the Slave Pen, in Washington, FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS for every White or Black Slave delivered in Hebraska  General Pierce is signed [[italics]] President [[/italics]] of the 'institution,' and Steve. A. Double-lash, [[italics]] Secretary. [[/italics]]

The Vignette consists of a wise-looking [[italics]] owl [[/italics]], holding in his beak a scroll, bearing the words, 'Nebraska, Land of Liberty.'  On the left is a military character standing on a negro, who is labelled, 'Baltimore Platform.'  On the right is a slave-driver, designated as 'The Little Giant,' with one of his imps staring at him, his neck ornamented with an iron band, from which are suspended several links of chain.

These bills have not been freely circulated, as yet, it being necessary to send them to Washington for countersigning, before they will become legal currency. - [[italics]] Chicago Tribune. [[/italics]]

THE LIBERATOR.

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No Union with Slaveholders.

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BOSTON, APRIL 21, 1 [[missing text]]

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TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY
OF THE
AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.

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The Twentieth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society will be held in the City of New York, in the REV. DR. CHAPIN'S CHURCH, in Broadway, between Spring and Prince Streets, on WEDNESDAY, May 10th, 1854, at 10 o'clock, A.M.  The names of the speakers will be announced hereafter.

The Society will hold meetings for Business and Discussion, (in some hall yet to be procured,) on the evening following the public Anniversary, and on the succeeding THURSDAY and FRIDAY, May 11th and 12th.

The members and friends of the Society, far and near, are earnestly invited to be present at the public Anniversary, and to give us the benefit of their counsel and co-operation at the subsequent meetings.  The condition of the country in relation to the Anti-Slavery Agitation will present, for the consideration of the Society, topics of the gravest importance, affecting its future action; hence a large attendance is desirable.

     WM. LLOYD GARRISON, [[italics]] President. [[/italics]]

EDMUND QUINCY,   }
S. H. GAY,       } [[italics]] Secretaries. [[/italics]]
WENDELL PHILLIPS.}

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EXPLORATION OF THE AMAZON, AND
DESIGNS OF THE SLAVE POWER.

We are indebted to the Hon. CHARLES SUMNER for a very interesting and valuable volume, printed by order of Congress, and also for sundry Maps accompanying it, - entitled, EXPLORATION OF THE VALLEY OF THE AMAZON: Made under direction of the Navy Department, by Wm. Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon, Lieutenants U. S. Navy.  Part I. By Lieutenant Herndon.

While at Lima, in the spring of 1851, Lieutenant Herndon was deputed by the Secretary of the Navy to proceed across the Cordillera, and explore the majestic Amazon from its source to its mouth.  The information sought related not only to the present condition of the Valley of the Amazon, with regard to the navigability of its streams; to the number and condition, both industrial and social, of its inhabitants, their trade and products; its climate, soil and productions; but also to [[italics]] its capacities for cultivation [[/italics]], and to the character and extent of its undeveloped commercial resources, whether of the field, the forest, the river, or the mine.  Also, the present condition of the silver mines of Peru and Bolivar - their yield - how and by whom they are principally wrought; what inducements are offered by the laws of Peru and Bolivia for emigrants to settle in the eastern provinces of those two republics; what the state of tillage, the class of laborers, &c. &c., with every other item of information 'calculated to interest a nautical and commercial,' and, preeminently and most especially, a slaveholding 'people.'

Accepting the commission thus tendered to him, Lieut. Herndon appears to have prosecuted the enterprise with remarkable zeal, courage, perseverance and ability, and with great success.  The result of it is the present volume of 400 octavo pages, which embodies as much of the information called for as could be obtained under the circumstances.

Having crossed the great 'divide' of the Cordillera, which separates the waters of the Pacific (only sixty miles distant) from those of the Atlantic, Lieut. Herndon says -
     'Though the waters where I stood were bound on their way to meet the streams of our Northern Hemisphere, and to bring, for all the practical purposes of commerce and navigation, [[italics]] the mouth of the Amazon and the mouth of the Mississippi into one [[/italics]], and place it before our own doors, yet, from the head of navigation on one stream to the head of navigation on the other, the distance to be sailed could not be less than ten thousand miles.  Vast, many, and great, doubtless, are the varieties of climates, soils, and productions within such a range.  The importance to the world of settlement, cultivation, and commerce in the Valley of the Amazon, cannot be over-estimated.  With the climates of India, and of all the habitable portions of the earth, piled one above the other in quick succession, tillage and good husbandry here would transfer the productions of the East to this magnificent river basin, and place them within a few days' easy sail of Europe and the United States.
     Only a few miles back, we had entered the famous mining district of Peru.  A large portion of the silver which constitutes the circulation of the world was dug from the range of mountains upon which we are standing; and most of it came from that slope of them which is drained off into the Amazon.  Is it possible for commerce and navigation up and down this majestic water-course and its beautiful tributaries to turn the flow of this silver stream from its western course to the Pacific, and conduct it with steamers down the Amazon to the United States, there to balance the stream of gold with which we are likely to be flooded from California and Australia?'

Still further to stimulate the enterprise and cupidity of this nation, Lieut. Herndon describes the land to be of unrivalled fertility, producing everything essential to the comfort and well-being of man - on the top of the eastern slope of the Andes lie hid unimaginable quantities of gold, silver, iron, coal, copper, and quick-silver, 'waiting but the application of science and the hand of industry for their development.'

Lieut. H. says 'it is sad to think that, excluding the savage tribes, who, for any present purposes of good, may be ranked with the beasts that perish,' (!) - and so it will be defensible to exterminate them as such, - 'this country has not more than one inhabitant for every ten square miles of land' - and he adds:
     'I can imagine the waking-up of the people on the event of the establishment of steamboat navigation on the Amazon.  I fancy I can hear the crash of the forest falling to make room for the [[italics]] cultivation of cotton, [[italics]] cocoa, [[italics]] rice, [[/italics]] and [[italics]] sugar, [[/italics]] and the sharp shriek of the saw, cutting into boards the beautiful and valuable wood of the country.' 'We, more than any other people, are interest in the opening of this navigation.  As has been before stated, the trade of this region [[italics]] must [[/italics]] pass by [[italics]] our [[/italics]] doors, and mingle and exchange with the products of [[italics]] our [[/italics]] Mississippi valley.'
     'Descending towards the plain, and only for a few miles, the eye of the traveler from the temperate zone is held with wonder and delight by the beautiful and strange productions of the torrid. - He sees for the first time the symmetrical coffee-bush, rich with its dark-green leaves, its pure white blossoms, and its gay, red fruit.  The prolific plantain, with its great waving fan-like leaf, and immense pendant branches of golden-looking fruit, enchains his attention.  [[italics]] The sugar-cane waves in rank luxuriance before him, and if he be familiar with Southern plantations, his heart swells with emotion as the gay yellow blossom and white boll of the cotton sets before his mind's eye the familiar scenes of home. [[/italics]]
     Fruits, too, of the finest quality and most luscious flavor, grow here; organs, lemons, bananas, pine-apples, melons, chirimoyas, granadillas, and many others which, unpleasant to the taste at first, become with use exceedingly grateful to the accustomed palate.  The Indian gets here his indispensable coca, and the forests at certain seasons are redolent with the perfume of the vanilla.'

Again:
     'The citizens of the United States are, of all foreign people, most interested in the free navigation of the Amazon.  We, as in comparison with other foreigners, would reap the lion's share of the advantages to be derived from it.  We would fear no competition.  Our geographical position, the winds of heaven, and the currents of the ocean, are our potential auxiliaries.  Thanks to Maury's investigations of the winds and currents, we know that a chip flung into the sea at the mouth of the Amazon will float close by Cape Hatteras.  We know that ships sailing from the mouth of the Amazon, for whatever port in the world, are forced to our very doors by the SE. and NE. trade winds; that New York is the half-way house between Para and Europe.'

Finally, he says, with great significance:

     'I am under the impression that, were Brazil to throw off a causeless jealousy, and a puerile fear of our people, and invite settlers to the Valley of the Amazon, there might be found, [[italics]] among our Southern planters, [[/italics]] men, who, [[italics]] looking with apprehension [[/italics]] (if not for themselves, at least for their children) [[italics]] to the state of affairs as regards slavery at home, [[/italics]] would, under sufficient guarantees, remove their slaves to that country, cultivate its lands, draw out its resources, and prodigiously augment the power and wealth of Brazil.
     'The negro slave seems very happy in Brazil.  This is remarked by all foreigners; and many times in Para was a group of merry, chattering, happy-looking black women, bringing their baskets of washed clothes from the spring, pointed out to me, [[italics]] that I might notice the evils of slavery.' [[/italics]]

These extracts will enable the intelligent reader to perceive, at a glance, the prime motive with which this exploration of the Valley of the Amazon was set on foot by our government - namely, not to advance legitimate commerce, nor to promote the true prosperity of the United States, but to discover new fields and open new resources for the Slave Power, whereby its domains shall be illimitable, and its existence perpetuated as long as a tropical soil and climate can endure its pestiferous presence.  This is one of the many sublimely diabolical plots which that Power is stealthily concocting, aided by an Administration as servile to its will as the trembling slave is to his overseer, and eager to prostitute all the strength of the government in its service.  We have here only 'the beginning of the end.'  By hook or by crook, by bribery or intimidation, by cunning or violence, the free navigation of the Amazon by American ships will be obtained ere long - Southern planters will migrate thither with their fettered slaves - on its banks, and in the interior, cotton, rice and sugar plantations will spring up, to be cultivated by unrequited toil, under the slave driver's lash - the foreign slave trade will be prosecuted as a lawful commerce - the hapless natives, now officially declared to be of no more value than so many wild beasts, will be exterminated - and new annexations, for the sole benefit of Slavery, will be the order of the day.  All this is contemplated - and all this, and more, is inevitable, if the present blood-cemented American Union is allowed to continue; a Union, unlawfully and wickedly made, through fear of George III., and utter distrust of Almighty God, in that trying hour - which is, and has been, and while it exists will be, ruled by the Slave Power, with absolute and infernal sway - and without which, that Power would instantly lose all that gives it vitality and security, and cease to curse the earth.  Dissolve the Union, and it would be impossible to keep the slaves in their chains; dissolve it, and an end would be put to slaveholding aggression and fillibustering; dissolve it, and the free States would be freed from an incubus which is pressing them to the earth; dissolve it, and the song of jubilee would soon be heard from the Atlantic to the Pacific.  But let the Union be cherished, let the North continue to make its preservation paramount to all other considerations, and, with slavery every where protected by the Constitution, nothing is before us but a career of crime, and infamy, and blood, on a colossal scale, and 'a fearful looking for of judgment and fiery indignation,' which will in due time be visited upon the whole land.

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CONVENTION AT CINCINNATI.

Just as our paper is going to press, we have received copies of the Cincinnati [[italics]] Commercial, [[/italics]] giving a very full and fair report of the proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention, which was held in that city on the 12th, 13th and 14th inst.  The attendance was overwhelming - the resolutions and speeches were of a high order - the best spirit prevailed, with the utmost freedom of opinion - and the hearts of all present were mightily strengthened for renewed efforts for the utter destruction of the slave system.  Among the prominent speakers were Frederick Douglass, Lucy Stone, Charles C. Burleigh, Marius Robinson, L. A. Hine, and H. B. Blackwell.  It appears to have been an occasion of extraordinary and thrilling interest.  In a letter just received from Mr. Burleigh, he says:-

     'I send herewith the brief sketch of the doings of our Convention, which is published in the Cincinnati [[italics]] Commercial, [[/italics]] together with the [[italics]] Gazette's [[/italics]] report - very fair and faithful - of the remarks of Boynton, editor of the [[italics]] Christian Press, [[/italics]] made just at the close of the last session.  Had there been time, a brief reply would have been made to his remarks; but at the instant of his closing - it being about half-past ten - the President (not aware that any one wished to add a word) announced the completion of the business, and offered a concluding prayer.
     Altogether, we have had an excellent Convention, and the friends are all in very good spirits about it.  The attendance was large throughout; - the spacious hall was nearly full in the morning sessions, just about full in the afternoon, and in the evening, crowded and packed, while hundreds - the papers here say thousands - had to go away unable to get in.  The last evening, though an admission fee of ten cents was charged, the hall was full half an hour before the time to which we had adjourned.  One man told me that, coming a little after the time, he met on the stairs and in the passage a crowd of people going out, such as is ordinarily seen just after the adjournment of a large meeting, and he was assured that it would be vain for him to try to get in.  During the whole time, with but comparatively trifling exceptions, the proceedings were marked by perfect order and decorum, and a most attentive hearing was given to the strong, bold utterance of anti-slavery truth; the most radical sentiments being greeted with the loudest and most general applause.  We had much animated discussion, both of points on which all abolitionists are agreed, and on those about which we differ.  On the second evening, Frederick Douglass made an able speech in defence [sic] of his views of the Constitution, and most of the third evening was taken up with a discussion of that subject between him and myself.  The friends of our position here express themselves much pleased with the result of the discussion, thinking a favorable impression was made.  The last speech of the Convention - except Boynton's brief remarks - was one of Lucy Stone's characteristically beautiful and impressive ones, which left the audience in a very good frame of mind for separating, and, in the quiet of their own homes, considering the claims of the bondman and his cause upon them.'

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HOW TO SAVE NEBRASKA.

The Massachusetts House of Representatives has before it, and yet to be acted on, the following bill:-

Section 1.  Benjamin C. Clark, Isaac Livermore, Chas. Allen, Isaac Davis, Wm. G. Bates, Stephen C. Phillips, Chas. C. Hazewell, Alexander H. Bulloch, Henry Wilson, James S. Whitney, Samuel E. Sewall, Samuel G. Howe, James Holland, Moses Kimball, James D. Green, Francis W. Bird, Otis Clapp, Anson Burlingame, Eli Thayer and Otis Rich, their associates, successors and assigns, are hereby made a corporation by the name of the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company, for the purpose of assisting emigrants to settle in the West; and for this purpose, they shall have all the powers and privileges, and be subject to all the duties, restrictions and liabilities, set forth in the 38th and 44th chapters of the Revised Statutes.

Sec. 2.  The capital stock of said corporation shall not exceed five millions of dollars.  Said capital stock may be invested in real and personal estate, provided the said corporation shall not hold real estate in this Commonwealth to an amount exceeding twenty thousand dollars.

Sec. 3.  The capital stock of said corporation shall be divided into shares of one hundred dollars each; but no more than four dollars on the share shall be assessed during the year 1854, and no more than ten dollars on the share shall be assessed in any one year thereafter.

Sec. 4.  At all meetings of the stockholders, each stockholder shall be entitled to cast one vote for each share held by him: [[italics]] provided, [[/italics]] that no stockholder shall be entitled to cast more than fifty votes on shares held by himself, nor more than fifty votes by proxy.

Sec. 5.  This act shall take effect from and after its passage.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

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A DISCUSSION ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY, by Luther Lee and Samuel J. May.  Commenced Feb. 28th, 1854, and continued Eleven Evenings.  Reported by Lucius C. Matlack.  Syracuse, N.Y.: Published at the Wesleyan Book Room, 60 South Salina Street.

One of the manifest tendencies of the various reformatary [sic] movements of the age, (all of which have been more or less violently opposed by the popular religious denominations, whether styled orthodox or heterodox,) has been to diminish the rancor of sect toward sect, and to make less frequent those controversies on matters of faith and abstract theological propositions, which formerly occupied so much of the time and attention of the clergy.  It is rare, now-a-days, to see the Baptist arrayed against the Pedo-baptist, the Calvinist against the universalist, the Trinitarian against the Unitarian, in the arena of public debate; for the times are too practical, and too stirring, to encourage any such disputations.  But what makes the present 'Discussion on the Doctrine of the Trinity' peculiarly novel is, that the disputants are well known in the field of abolitionism and philanthropy.  That each acquits himself with ability, it is needless to say, to those who know them; that each is victorious, it would be paradoxical to assert, and yet this will probably be affirmed, according to the theological training of those who read the debate.  The local interest manifested in it appears to have been so great, that the City Hall was filled to overflowing, hundreds being unable to get in.  We doubt whether any similar discussion was ever conducted in such good temper and with such mutual respect.  Mr. May is the soul of all that is courteous, charitable, and magnanimous - infinitely removed from all unkindness of spirit and unfairness of argumentation - and Mr. Lee would have been inexcusable indeed, had he lost his temper, and resorted to coarse personalities, where no provocation was given.  As it was, occasionally Mr. Lee cast imputations and became personally invidious, (with reference to Theodore Parker, for instance,) in a manner not called for; and had Mr. May allowed himself to indulge in a similar strain, the discussion might have become acrimonious.

Making the Bible the absolute standard of appeal on this subject, it is apparent that, so often is its language mystical, or paradoxical, or upon its face contradictory, an ingenious text-gatherer and skilful [sic] interpreter can make one side just about as plausible as the other.  It is so with almost any other subject.  All the various sects, from Catholicism to Mormonism, are enabled to find portions of the book favorable to their peculiar views; and each sect, of course, marvels at the blindness of the other, and claims alone rightly to interpret it.  One thing is certain: no religious dogma, no political theory, no scientific conjecture, was ever yet settled by an appeal to the Bible.  To say, therefore, that it is the only rule of faith and practice, is to utter what all history proves to be false, and to pour contempt upon the intelligence of the age.

In his final rejoinder, after complimenting Mr. Lee for having 'battled manfully with the Goliah sin of the nation,' and faithfully dealt with it as he found it secreted and protected by the great Methodist organization to which he formerly belonged, and also for his kindness to the fugitives from American despotism, Mr. May said -

     'Although your opinions appear to me very unscriptural, very irrational, very inconsistent with themselves and self-contradictory, still I will not withdraw my confidence from you as a man and as [[italics]] a Christian, [[/italics]] so long as I see that you abound in love and good works.  And here, brother Lee, after all our disputing, is my right hand of fellowship, if you hare willing to receive it.'

To which characteristic overture, Mr. Lee replied -

     'I take your hand, and fellowship you as [[italics]] a man [[/italics]] and a philanthropist, but I have no fellowship with your theology.'

To which Mr. May rejoined -

     'Nor I with yours!  I suppose that your theology is just as unlike to mine, as mine is to yours.'

And so ended this prolonged discussion, in the course of which, much ground was covered, and a good deal of learning and research displayed.  It makes a pamphlet of 160 pages, large size, to which we refer all such as may wish to know more abouot it.  A few copies for sale at 21 Cornhill, price 37-1/2 cents single.

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THE CHURCH BEFORE THE FLOOD.  By the Rev. John Cumming, D.D., Minister of the Scotch National Church, Crown Court, Covenant Garden, London. Boston: Published by John P. Jewett & Co. 1854.

In our last number, we acknowledged the receipt of two volumes by Dr. Cumming, entitled 'Voices of the Night' and 'Voices of the Day.'  Here is a third volume from his prolific pen, printed in the same beautiful manner, and conferring fresh credit on the taste and enterprise of the publishers.

We have already accorded to Dr. C. a glowing rhetoric, a lofty imagination, and rare affluence of style; and we have also expressed our dissent from his theological views, as, on various points, irrational and unphilosophical.  But, as we stand popularly branded as a heretic, our disclaimer will not impair his orthodox popularity.  There is nothing dull in his manner or matter; he writes as though he was thoroughly in earnest; many of his ideas are most happily expressed, and worthy of all acceptation.  We do not wonder at his great metropolitan reputation as a preacher, and can readily imagine how he enchains the largest audiences, as with irresistible magnetic power.  Still, he fails to impress us as a profound thinker or a strong logician; he is peculiarly sentimental, and has more to do with the feelings than with the reasoning faculties; his credulity is excessive, and at times ludicrous; scarcely any of his premises will bear investigation, and yet he lays them down as complacently as if they were self-evident truths.  There is much in the present volume strongly provocative of criticism; but we can only give the topics discussed, bestowing a passing comment or two.  The work is divided into twenty-one Chapters, and treats upon - The Bible; Genesis and Geology; Creation; The First Man, Adam, and the Last; The Curse; Redemption; The Everlasting Gospel - &c. &c.  In his Preface, he makes the following novel announcement, without any qualification:- [[italics]] Christianity [[/italics]] was first preached in Paradise.'  We had supposed, and have always been taught, that it was first preached in Judea, eighteen centuries ago, by Jesus of Nazareth.  Who preached it in Paradise, we are not told.  He also declares that 'Adam and Eve were the first believers.'  As we read the scriptural record, they were the first unbelievers.  'Abel,' he says, 'was the first [[italics]] Christian [[/italics]] martyr.'  His declarations respecting the Bible are equally extraordinary.  He says, in reference to it, 'Man can wait the slow progress of discovery in science, but he cannot wait a single moment for an answer to the question, What must I do to be saved? because in that moment his soul may be required of him.'  And yet, at this hour, a vast majority of the human race are strangers to the existence of such a book!  He says the Bible is not a discovery, but a revelation, to which God alone can add any thing.  As if there had not been much added to it, by way of interpolation!  As if there was any thing impossible in the enlargement of any volume, in process of time!  As if what a numerous portion of Christendom holds to be the word of God, another portion does not reject as apocryphal!  He exultingly says, 'Whatever else is changed, the Bible is the same; whatever creeds have been mended, the Bible remains.'  Be it so; but what, for the time being, is the Bible, but the recognized interpretation of it?  Hence, no volume is more capricious or more mutable.  In America, it sanctions democracy and slavery; in England, monarchy and an established church; in France, the usurpation of Louis Napoleon, in Italy, the supremacy of the Pope; in Russia, the terrible rule of the Czar; [[italics]] i.e. [[/italics]] according to the popular belief.  How does Dr. Cumming know that his understanding of it is infallibly correct?  And who shall act as umpire?  If a hundred thousand pounds were offered for a prize essay, to show what the book really enjoins or forbids, as pertaining to human relations and duties, a hundred thousand writers would come forward with as many conflicting views touching those matters; and yet he says, 'It is the plainest of all books that was ever written.'  Witness the endless and antagonistical commentaries upon it by the most learned divines in all ages!  Witness all Christendom in an Ishmaelitish condition, as to its true meaning on a multitude of vital points, and not simply, as he affirms, 'on non-essentials, or subordinate things'!

As between parchment and nature, Dr. Cumming gives the preference to the former.  Geology is only a discovery of man, but 'Genesis is a revelation from God,' and, therefore, 'is perfect beyond the possibility of contradiction or improvement by us.'  It is 'beyond the reach of the blow of the geologist's hammer, or the detection of a single flaw by microscope or telescope.'  Nay, 'Geology has before now retraced its steps, Genesis never,' for the Bible 'has not a single scientific error in it, though it was not designed to teach science.'  And yet, to vindicate the Bible and Genesis, Dr. Cumming does not hesitate to resort to Geology whenever and wherever he thinks it sill subserve his purpose!  'Astronomy,' he tells us, 'was once quoted as contradicting the express word of God; mature acquaintance with it has proved its perfect coincidence'!  The boot is on the other leg.  If the story of Gallileo is not utterly fabulous, the Infallible Mother Church arrayed the Bible against the discoveries of the astronomer, who insisted that the world moved; and it was 'mature acquaintance' with astronomical science that made the interpretation of the book to harmonize with it.

Geology has at least done something even for Dr. Cumming, with all its uncertainty.  Hear him:- 'The common interpretation of Genesis says, the earth is six thousand years old; the discoveries of Geology prove to my mind, incontestably, that the component material structure of this globe, and much that is under the outer crust of this globe, are, it may be, hundreds of thousands of years old.'  Bravo!  But - to save Genesis, and his faith from the charge of heresy - he adds, that he believes 'the last collocation of the earth on its upper surface' is precisely six thousand years old! - 'Geology thus calling from its depths, "O God, thy word is true!" '

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FIRST LESSONS IN GENTLENESS AND TRUTH.  By Aunt Alice.  With Original Illustrations by Billings.  Designed for Schools and Families.  Boston : Published by John P. Jewett & Co.  1854.

This is a most beautiful and attractive gift for all children, by all loving parents - with capital illustrations by Billings, whose skill is never at fault - and with 'lessons in gentleness and truth' that old and young may read and learn very profitably.  We commend it most heartily.

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UNCLE JERRY'S LETTERS TO YOUNG MOTHERS.  Compiled by Ann E. Porter.  Boston : Published by John P. Jewett & Co. 1854.

These Letters embody an unusual amount of good sense, sound discrimination, and excellent advice.  The trials of young mothers are duly set forth, and the best methods suggested for training children, with reference to their physical, moral and religious wants.  It is written in an attractive style, and we could wish it might fall into the hands of every young mother.

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THE TRIALS OF A MIND IN ITS PROGRESS TO CATHOLICISM: A Letter to his old friends, by L. Silliman Ives, LL.D., late Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in North Carolina.  Boston : Patrick Donahoe, 3 Franklin street.  1854.

We have only room to acknowledge the receipt of this somewhat remarkable book in our present number.

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NEW MUSIC.

The enterprising musical publisher, HORACE WATERS, 333 Broadway, New York, has recently published the following pieces, in a handsome style, for copies of which we are indebted to him:-

Eva to her Papa; as sung by little Cordelia Howard, in her original Character of the gentle Eva, in Uncle Tom's Cabin.  Words and Music written expressly for her by her father, George C. Howard, and most respectfully dedicated to her mother.

The Ghost of Uncle Tom : composed by Miss Martha Hill, and sung by the Hutchinson Family, at their concerts throughout the country.

Oh!  I'se so Wicked!  As sung by Mrs. G.C. Howard, in her celebrated and original Character of Topsy, in Uncle Tom's Cabin.  Words and Music by George C. Howard.

Uncle Tom's Religion: As sung in the Moral Drama of Uncle Tom's Cabin.  Words and Music by G.C. Howard.

Let us speak of a Man as we find him.  Song and Chorus sung buy Buckley's Serenaders.  Words by James Simmonds.  Music by J.R. Thomas.  Dedicated to the Hon. John P. Hale.

The Prodigal Son:  A Sacred Song.  Quartette or Chorus, for the use of the Church or Social and Family Circles.  Harmonized and arranged for the Piano-forte, Organ or Melodeon, by Henry C. Watson.

I Paddle my own Canoe.  Song and Quartette, as sung by the Bakers'.  Composed and arranged for the Piano-forte by John C. Baker.

The Dying Words of Little Katy; or, Will he Come?  In the story of Hot Corn, by Solon Robinson.  Music by Horace Waters.

Little Katy's Voice: as sung by little Cordelia Howard, in the Drama of Little Katy, the Hot Corn Girl.  Words and Music by G.C. Howard.

The Old Oak Tree Waltz, by Dr. Charles H.G.F. Loehr.

The Bignores Polka, by M.G.S.

Van der Weyde's City Polka, for 1854.

These are also for sale by G.P. Reed & Co., Boston; Lee & Walker, Philadelphia; W.C. Peters & Sons, Cincinnati.  They will find ready purchasers.

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ABATEMENT OF PREJUDICE.

In compliance with an invitation on the part of a few friends in Mendon, we recently gave a lecture in that place on the subject of slavery; with what success, the following extract of a letter from our friend, L.M. PERHAM, cheeringly indicates.  He says:-

     'Notices of your lecture were posted in the most conspicuous places in town, and the result, I am happy to say, far exceeded my anticipations.  As regards the audience, and the good attention they gave, you are well aware.  But my principal object in writing to you is, to let you know the good result, which, to my mind, is very cheering, and I am certain prophetic of great good in the future, in Mendon, at least.

I sent to each clergyman a notice of the lecture, to be read from his pulpit.  The Unitarian read it, and advised his people all to go and hear.  The Methodist read it, and said, 'The cause is a good one, but I am very sorry it is not in better hands.'  The Orthodox was sorely perplexed in his own mind whether to read it or not - but came to the concluson [sic] not to read it, and did not.  But, to the result.  A number of the Orthodox and Methodists were present to hear, for the first time in their lives.  They say they were exceedingly interested - that they were happily disappointed - that they had been deceived in regard to the man - that he has been belied - that they saw no 'cloven foot' - that if that is Infidelity, they wish to be commended to it - that in most respects the ideas advanced were exactly like their own; and, what is better than all, they are very anxious to hear you again.

To me (and I doubt not to you) this is very cheering.  God grant that others may 'go and do likewise' and thus obey the injunction, 'prove all things,' and so be prepared to form a correct and just estimate of persons and their doctrines.'
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