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90 THE LIBERATOR JUNE 9. [[6 columns]] [[column 1]] THE LIBERATOR [[horizontal flourished line]] No Union with Slaveholders BOSTON, JUNE 9, 1854 [[horizontal flourished line]] NEW ENGLAND ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION The New England Anti-Slavery Convention assembled at the Melodeon, in Boston, Tuesday morning, May 30th, and was called to order by Francis Jackson, Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. On motion, it was Voted, That a Committee be nominated by the Chair, to report officers for the Convention. SAMUEL MAY, JR., of Boston, CHARLES S. S. GRIFFING, of Ohio, and ELIAS SMITH, of New York, were nominated and chosen said Committee. Prayer was offered by Rev. S. S. GRISWOLD, of Connecticut. Voted, unanimously, on motion of Samuel May, Jr., that all persons present, whether from the New England States or elsewhere, friendly to the anti-slavery cause, be invited to become members of the Convention. The Committee of Nomination reported a list of persons for officers of the Convention, which, with some additions subsequently made and accepted by the Convention, is as follows:-- For President, EDMUND QUINCY Vice Presidents--FRANCIS JACKSON, Boston ; ANDREW ROBESON, New Bedford ; CHARLES L. REMOND, Salem ; EFFINGHAM L. CAPRON, Worcester ; WILLIAM WHITING, Concord ; SAMUEL J. MAY, Syracuse , N. Y.; S. S. GRISWOLD, Mystic, Ct.; ANDREW T. Foss, Manchester, N.H.; WILLIAM GREEN, Hartford, Ct.; THOMAS GARRETT, Delaware ; JACOB WALTON, Jr., Michigan; DANIEL MITCHELL, Rhode Island ; JEHIEL CLAFLIN, Vermont ; LUCIUS CRANDALL, New Jersey. Secretaries--SAMUEL MAY,Jr., Boston ; ELIAS SMITH, New York city. Committee of Finance--Elbridge Sprague, Abington ; Josephine S. Griffing, Salem, Ohio ; Reuben H. Ober, Boston ; Eli Belknap, Hopkinton. Business Committee--Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Stephen S. Foster, Abby Kelley Foster, Lucy Stone, Andrew T. Foss, Charles S. S. Griffing, Henry C. Wright, Samuel J. May, Sydney Howard Gay, Elizabeth Wright. The report was accepted, and the individuals named elected. HENRY C. WRIGHT offered, for the consideration of the meeting, the following resolutions:-- Resolved, That resistance to slave-hunters and slave-catchers is obedience to God ; and, in whatever forms they may appear among us, whether as President, Marshal, or Commissioner of the United States, or as officers of the State government, or as Southern slaveholders or their minions, we pledge ourselves to resist them, each one by such means as he shall deem right and expedient. Resolved, That no man should be allowed to be put on trial before any court in this State, or in the nation, on the issue whether he is a freeman or a slave--a brute or a man ; and that no court should be allowed to hold a session in this State to try a case involving such an issue. Resolved, That the govrnnment of the State of Massachusetts having, in many ways, demonstrated its unwillingness and incompetency to protect its citizens against kidnappers, it is the right and duty of each man and woman to protect themselves against such assaults upon their dearest personal rights, by such weapons as the conscience and judgement of each shall allow them to use. Resolved, That the citizens of the free States are bound to resist the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, and to call every man to account before the tribunal of the people, who shall attempt to execute it. ANDREW T. Foss, of New Hampshire, addressed the Convention with much feeling and eloquence upon the resolutions, and especially upon the state of things now existing in the city of Boston ;--a Virginia slaveholder being here, claiming Anthony Burns as his slave, and being supported in this infamous claim by the United States Government, its officers and its troops ; a mock trial going on before EDWARD G. LORING ; and the whole city and State being aroused and exceedingly excited by the fact, and awaiting, with intense and painful interest, the Commissioner's decision. Mr. F. referred to the indignities and insults heaped upon many of our citizens, and particularly referred to the incarceration in the watch-house, for several hours, of an excellent and respectable lady (Miss Caroline Hinckley) for standing, contrary to orders, upon the steps of the Court House. As she sang aloud some liberty-songs in the prison, her jailers were led to release her. MR. BLACKWELL, of Cincinnati, supported the resolutions in a very earnest and indignant speech. He characterized the slave-hunters' doings in Boston with great severity, and, though not technically a disunionist, expressed his conviction that the dissolution of this bloody and despotic Union must come, and his entire readiness that it should come. Mr. Blackwell, by way of contrast to the proceedings in this city before Commissioner Loring, referred to the treatment which the appointed agent of Massachusetts, the Hon. Samuel Hoar, received some years since in Charleston, S. C., because he went simply to test, before the United States Courts there, the lawfulness of selling free-born Massachusetts citizens into slavery for life. SAMUEL MAY, Jr.,--after saying that the place of our present meeting did not seem to him to be the place for us, when the United States Commissioner might, at this very moment, be giving his decision to send Anthony Burns into Southern slavery, and that the more suitable place seemed to be around that Court-House, now turned into a slave-pen, moved that the Convention do now adjourn, to reassemble in the afternoon, if circumstances, should favor. But upon objection, from S. S. Foster and others, the motion was negatived. STEPHEN S. FOSTER, of Worcester, introduced the two following resolutions:-- Resolved, That the experience of the last few days proves the necessity of a more through and efficient organization of the friends of freedom throughout this Commonwealth, and the New England States, for the special purpose of protecting our own citizens against the powerful band of kidnappers by whom the country is infested, and whose presence among us is imminently dangerous to the liberty and life of every honest, upright man. Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed by the Chair, to meet a similar Committee that may be appointed by the Free Soil Convention now in session, to moture a plan for such organization, and report at a subsequent session of this Convention. Mr. F., in a speech, advocated the necessity of a thorough organization to protect New England citizens from being kidnapped. J. J. Kelly, of Boston, (a colored man, and introduced as the man who bore the banner of the Worcester Freedom Club,) addressed the Convention. If, said he, Mr. Foster is a non-resistant, I am not. If the kidnappers should seize my infant, I would prove my declaration;--even if prating, I would cut short my prayers in righteousness--to hasten to strike the blow for my child, and freedom. H. C. WRIGHT rose to second the resolutions of Mr. Foster,--to form a thorough organization in the New England States, to protect the citizen against kidnapping. He believed the present case of slave-catching was preconcerted at Washington, by the President and his advisers, to test the sincerity of the declarations put forth against the Nebraska Bill, and the further enforcement of the Compromises of 1850. The authority delegated to the different commanders of troops at neighboring military posts, to hold themselves at the [[/column 1]] [[column 2] service of the slave-catchers here, proves this. They mean to establish the right to bring their slaves into and keep them in the free States. Who is ready to die in defence of liberty--for principles?--that is the question. State street would establish slavery in Boston to-day, if it could make money by it. How many would die for slavery? He believed every Catholic Irishman in this country would do it! but, upon being questioned, admitted that he had voted for Mr. Pierce as President, and added further, that he would do so again. This remark exposed fully his pro-slavery position.] Francis Jackson spoke of his attempt to get access to the Court-House, and of his repulse; he had told the officers that he had lived and paid taxes forty years in Boston. Mr. MAY also related his attempt to enter, and repulse; having been with others driven through the building at the point of the bayonet, nonwithstanding he exhibited a pass from the U.S. Marshal. Some one said that a Virginian was admitted upon stating that he was such! Mr. WRIGHT resumed, and declared that Massachusetts was insulted and trodden in the dust; he alluded to the treatment of Mrs. Douglass and Miss Webster. MR. JoHN ORVIS, of Boston, related a recent conversation held by on of Col. Suttle's slave-catching companions in this city, with an acquaintance of his, who having for some years resided in Texas, had acquired a southern air and manner, and was doubtless mistaken for a Southern man. This Virginian had told him that the State of Virginia, bu its Governor, had engaged to pay all the expenses of Capt.Suttle (the slave-claimant) in this case ; and that this was a deliberate plan to override the State and Municipal laws of Massachusetts, and to humble her in the very dust at the feet of Virginia and Slavery. Adjourned. -- AFTERNOON. Re-assembled at 3 P.M. FRANCIS JACKSON in the chair. Rev. S.S. GRISWOLD, of Connecticut, said that he came to plead the cause of man as man, not as black man or white man, but upon the broad principle of humanity. He urged those who believed in physical resistance to arm themselves and resist the enslavement of the man burns ; but that he could not do so ; he could not oppose evil by any other than moral means. He had seen persons about Court Square with pistols in their pockets. No victory could be gained by such instrumentalities. The greatest victory that was ever achieved was by Jesus Christ, by the power of love and good will, and he had no doubt of the final triumph of this principle. The world had lost its faith in Christian principles, it considered Christianity a failure, but we had no true representation of the system among us. We must not judge by what we see of the religion which Jesus loved and taught. (By one of the audience--'Will Christianity rescue Burns?') Ans. I cannot say that it will ;--it could not rescue Jesus, and it may not have the power to deliver me, or you, from temporal evil and death ; but as I do not believe that a man is dead because his head is cut off, it follows that to be 'rescued' or delivered from our enemies is not always the most essential thing. There is an old book which says, 'tho' being dead, he yet speaketh.' Many men speak louder after they are dead than when living. But, asked the speaker, will Colt's revolvers serve you? Have not many of the most mighty warriors been made to bite the dust? He urged the adherence to peaceful principles until the evil nature of man shall be entirely renovated, and sin be swept from the earth. JOHN PRINCE, of Essex, supported Mr. Foster's resolutions in favor of a thorough organization extensive, and secret. The Finance Committee here proceeded, by vote of the Convention, to make the usual collections for the expenses of the Convention. W.L. GARRISON expressed his doubts as to where we ought to be at this hour ;--he was sure our spirits were around that Bastile in Court [[?]] Burns lies incarcerated, and waiting the sentence to send him into slavery ; and he knew not but our bodies should be there too. The last speaker had expressed his surprise at finding that all Boston had caved in! See, said Mr. G., what comes of the spirit of violent resistance ; those who have talked the loudest, have been among the last. If he bore no arms, it was not because he was false to his principes, but because he was true to them. There were those who had talked loudly of bearing arms, but where was their fidelity to their principles? He commented also on Mr. Prince's idea of secret organization--he must entirely object to that principle ;--when we save a man, it should be 'before all Israel and the sun.' Secrecy and stealth are the methods of Slavery and Iniquity. MRS. THOMPSON (colored) with much effect defended the peace method of resisting the slave-power, as the only effectual method of overcoming it. She referred to Mr Garrison's labours in the cause feelingly and gratefully. Mr. PRINCE, of Essex, explained, and again advocated the organization of secret clubs in every town in the State. STEPHEN S. FOSTER farther explained his own position in regard to the use of warlike weapons. Every man, he said, should fight against slavery with his own weapons,--with those whose use he best understood, and in which he most trusted. If those were physical weapons, let him use them. He said that men in the country, (and he spoke especially of Worcester,) were ready to combine and organize against kidnapping, if those in the city were not ; and they were men who might be depended upon, in any extremity. MR. REMOND, of Salem, here rose to complain of the too frequent contrast of Boston and Worcester--city and country. So far as he knew, the abolitionists of Boston had been as ready to adopt every possible and practicable measure, as those in Worcester or elsewhere. Mr. R. referred to the fact that the banner of the Worcester Freedom Club had been taken from them by one of the Boston Police ; and said that on its being restored to the, and again attempted to be seized, it was rescued by a colored man of Boston, and though broken in the struggle, was triumphantly held. MR. FOSTER explained that he did not mean to contrast the places unfavorably ;--he spoke of Worcester, because it was his residence, and he knew whereof he affirmed. They had always protected their fugitive brethren. He wished a thorough organization, whose head would be in the city, and its body in the country. REV. SAMUEL J. MAY, of Syracuse, said he was too much depressed, by the state of things existing at this moment in this city, and generally through the North, to speak as he would like to do. Still, he had no feeling akin to despair. Indeed, he saw very many reasons for encouragement, North and South. At the South there is an increasing body of non-slaveholders, looking with more and more disfavor upon slavery ; while at the North a party is arising steadily and surely, which will ere long combine with the early and radical friends of freedom to throw off the yoke of slavery. Mr. M. alluded to the fact that the beginning of the present anti-slavery movement was in the South, and with slaveholders. As long ago as 1817, the friends of the colonization scheme came to the North, and represented to the Northern people the deplorable condition of the slave population, and the increasing demoralization of the white population, and with all zeal and eloquence besought the North to aid in mitigating and removing these fearful evils, and held out the colonization scheme as a ready means to that end. The North responded; we were long deceived by that Society; but we saw at length (whatever the motives of its originators) that the Society became a mere tool in the hands of slaveholders, a convenient medium for conveying away restless and dangerous slaves, and a safety-valve by which the consciences of individual repentant slaveholders could be relieved, without infecting the general mass; [[/column 2]] [[column 3]] in short, that it was, as an [[italics]] anti-slavery measure [[/italics]], a great deal worse than nothing. Mr. May said he was known to be a lover of peace; but his spirit was stirred by such scenes, as those we were now hourly looking upon, and while he counselled a violent rescue, rather than submission to kidnapping, yet he would have men act not in the spirit of [[italics]] fighters [[/italics]], but of [[italics]] martyrs [[/italics]]; in the same spirit which led brave men, at the risk of their lives, to rush into a burning building, to rescue a brother in danger,--not to kill or harm those who sought to enslave him. He wished also to remind resistance to the atrocious Fugitive Slave Law, that they themselves, not many years since, led on by their wealthiest and most influential merchants, denounced the government measure, requiring letter postage to be paid in specie, and declared that 'the government must be resisted, peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must.' SARAH PELLET, of Syracuse, said the people of Syracuse, a few days since, were informed that a fugitive slave was about to be taken through their town on the Railroad; and they assembled, three thousand strong, to rescue him. For her part, she believed in forcible rescuing a kidnapped slave; not only in removing the rails, but in using powder and ball to put down the slave-catchers. She could stand over the fire, as her mother did, and run up lead into bullets. She appealed to the men and women of Boston to rise and redeem themselves from the stain which now rested on them, and show themselves worthy descendants of those true Spartan mothers,--the women of the Revolution. She said that the city council of Syracuse had voted that if the Central Rail Road (running through that city) should carry fugitive slaves on their way back to slavery, the rails should be taken up from their streets. Rev. Mr. HASALL, of Mednon, said, that two years ago he had risen to speak in this place, and had then prefaced his remarks by declaring himself no Garrisonian, though an abolitionist. Ever since that, said he, I have been getting nearer and nearer to the 'Garrisonians.' And since he came to this city, on Friday last, what he had here seen and determined him to adopt for his motto, henceforth and forever, 'No Union with Slaveholders!" He as glad to sand in unity with the Society here represented, for he regarded it as the quintessence of anti-slavery. He referred to the Unitarian meetings which he had attended that day,--the prayer-meeting in the morning, and the festival in the afternoon. While very other topic in the scope of religious discussion was treated, there had not been so much as an allusion to the poor slave now imprisoned in the Boston Court-House, and soon (it was to be feared) to be sent back into life-long slavery. Rev. MR. PIERPONT, of Medford, desired to say that, in the blessing asked at the commencement of the collation, he thought he did perceive a reference to the slave case. (!!) MR. MAY, of Syracuse, also said that, in the Report presented in the forenoon at the annual meeting of the American Unitarian Association, a distinct recommendation had been presented to recognize and aid the anti-slavery movement; and, moreover, on the motion of a Southern man to strike said recommendation out of the report, that the Association had refused to strike out. MR. FOWLER, of Cambridge, (a student in the Theological School,) in a speech of considerable length, said he had an experience in the Unitarian denomination, on tis subject, which at times had greatly perplexed and alienated him; and then, at other times, had encouraged him. It is true, as his friend Hassall had said, that no allusion was made, during the long Unitarian collation, to the slave case, till near the close; when he himself had made an earnest appeal to his brethren and friends present, who received his words, with the warmest applause. REV. Mr. HASSALL said this had transpired after the collation-hall. [ [[italics]] Note. [[/italics]]--We thought it strange that it was left to a young student in divinity to do, [illegible] and doctors of the law ought to have done at the beginning.] -- [[italics]] Secretaries [[/italics]] Rev. Mr. Foss rose to inform the audience that Mr. Fowler had been arrested, only the evening previous, and put in the [[italics]] lock-up [[/italics]], only for speaking aloud, [[italics]] in Boston streets, [[/italics]] his love of liberty and his hatred of slavery. Adjourned to the evening. -- EVENING. EDMUND QUINCY, President of the Convention, in the chair. Rev. Mr. CRANDALL, of New Jersey, offered the following resolution:-- Resolved, That the Government of the United States has so signally and habitually failed to maintain and secure the rights of its citizens, that it can no longer be depended upon for that exalted service; and that we are therefore forced to seek the peaceable dissolution of this Government, and the organization of a new Republic on the principle of universal and equal liberty and rights. Mr. C. said he considered division an evil in itself, union a good thing in itself; but he did not believe in the possibility of a true union, a real union between freedom and slavery. It was with pain that he had come to the conclusion that the dissolution of the American Union was an end to be sought for by all lovers of freedom, and right, and humanity; but he had fully come to that conclusion. It is our duty to form a new political organization -- one purely for freedom, and the equal rights of all. He opposed [[italics]] secret [[/italics]] organizations, regarding them as hostile to civil, social, and religious liberty. In all these things, he said, he found himself agreeing quite closely with Mr. Garrison,-- more so with him than with any other speaker who had yet appeared on this platform;--notwithstanding Mr. G. had been so often represented to him as anything but a good man. Mr. Crandall warmly eulogized the spirit which Mr. Garrison manifested. It is the duty of all, he thought, to aim at a thorough [[italics]] regeneration [[/italics]], social and individual, reaching to the very foundations of society. ELIZABETH WRIGHT, of Pennsylvania, expressed herself as coinciding with the spirit of Mr. Crandall's resolution, but she thought that, few as we are, we could not dissolve our union with the slaveholding government of this country. Go where we may, we everywhere encounter the slaveholding and slave-driving spirit. She compared the existing spirit in this community and country with what it was in the time of Patrick Henry, who said, 'Give me liberty, or give me death.' Some very eloquent remarks next followed from LUCY STONE and CHARLES L. REMOND, which we do not attempt to sketch, as they will be published in full from a phonographic report by Mr. Jas. M.W. Yerrinton. WM. L. GARRISON, after a few remarks touching the disgraceful fact of a man seized in Boston streets as a slave, and demanded to be given up into slavery, and with reference to the Free Democratic Convention to meet on the morrow, proposed that this Convention omit its session to-morrow. He made a motion to that effect. SAMUEL MAY, JR., saying that the leading features of the Convention to-morrow at the Music Hall would doubtless be anti-Nebraska Bill and anti-Fugitive Slave Law, seconded the motion. ABBY KELLEY FOSTER asken if the Free Soil Convention would be a meeting for free speech. [No! from some in the audience.] Mr. GARRISON could not answer that. He supposed the speakers would be somewhat select, having been invited hither from Washington and elsewhere, such as Messrs. Giddings, Hale, &c. Mrs. FOSTER, STEPHEN S. FOSTER, and Wm. B. EARL opposed the motion to adjourn. Mr. GARRISON saying he had no wish to omit our meeting, save with general consent, withdrew his motion. A vote was then taken, and carried, to adjourn to tomorrow morning, at 10 o'clock. [[end of third column]] [[beginning of fourth column]] WEDNESDAY. Convention reassembled at the Melodeon. FRANCIS JACKSON called to order at 10 o'clock. Addresses were made by Rev. Mr. Hutchins, of Charlestown, and Messrs. Stacy of Milford, Remond of Salem, and May of Boston. Mr. PRINCE, of Essex, further advocated his idea of a secret organization; not that the fact of such an organization, or those who composed it, should be kept secret, but their modus operandi. The Underground Railroad Company was a secret organization, and did their work very effectually. Tact is necessary, as well as principle, in forwarding every good work. The Faneuil Hall meeting had recommended that the streets should be blocked with people, and the carrying off of Burns rendered impracticable. But this did not follow. Such men as compose the United States troops would not hesitate to clear such a crowd with the bayonet and cannon. We must meet tyranny with an open resistance. The resolutions offered by S.S. Foster respecting the Free Soil Convention, and a Committee of Conference therewith, were further debated by Messrs. Griswold of Conn., H.C. Wright, S.S. Foster, and C.S.S. Griffing of Ohio, and were unanimously adopted. Mrs. FOSTER addressed the women, exhorting them to work for the anti-slavery cause, and stand beside their husbands, fathers and brothers at the present crisis. G.W.F. MELLEN spoke on the general subject. Adjourned. [[line]] AFTERNOON. Edmund Quincy in the chair. Mrs. FOSTER spoke on the past and present position of the Free Soil party. Rev. S.S. GRISWOLD offered the following resolution: -- Resolved, That anti-slavery is based upon those eternal principles of equity which rest upon the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man, and can never cease to agitate until these grate truths are universally recognized. Resolved, That although the dissolution of the Union should take place, such dissolution would not absolve us from laboring in the anti-slavery cause. Col. WHITIN, of Concord, being in the chair, These resolutions were discussed by Mr. Grisold, Rev. J. Claflin of Vermont, Mrs. Thompson, and Elizabeth Wright. STEPHEN S. FOSTER offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the Free Soil party, by supporting a Constitution and Union which, according to its own interpretation, allow of the enslavement of one sixth of our population, and by electing to office many of the vilest pro-slavery men and doughfaces of the country, has proved itself devoid of principle, false to the cause of Liberty, and utterly unworthy of the confidence and support of those who would labor effectually for the abolition of slavery. After some discussion of the same, the Convention adjourned. [[line]] EVENING. Francis Jackson in the chair. HERBERT GLEASON, of Malden, expressed the hope that we should have short speeches, unless the speakers were endowed with peculiar power to edify. EDMUND QUINCY addressed the Convention. He said he was no orator, as Phillips is, and as Garrison is; he was a plain, blunt man; he only spake right on, and told them that which they themselves did not know, but he thanked God that he had given the best years of his life to the anti-slavery cause. (Cheers.) He knew not that he had done the slave any good, or if he had been able to help forward the day of his deliverance; but he did know that he had greatly benefitted himself. And what a work, said Mr. Q., has this anti-slavery agitation accomplished! The whole land rocking with agitation, brought about by just such meetings as we are now holding. These meetings are the laboratories where revolutions are commenced. Jesus uttered a philosophical truth when he said to his disciples, 'The [[illegible - paper is folded]] idea, will, sentiment, which make the man, and which, in the bosoms of true men, work out the widest and deepest changes in human society. Why have we Slavery in this country? It is because the people love to have it, and they love it, not for itself and its hideous features, but for what it gives them. In their minds, slavery stands for money, for gain, for prosperity; it stands for clipper-ships, for houses in Beacon street and the Fifth Avenue, for tours abroad, for works of art and magnificent equipages, for dinners of ten courses and twenty-five kinds of wine, &c., &c., &c. Whence came the revolution which brought Charles the First to the block? Did it commence in 1642? No; but far back in the days of early Puritanism. The men who began it were the parish ministers who left their benefices and livings for conscience sake, and taught the people their rights and their duties. Did the American Revolution begin in 1775 - at Lexington and Bunker Hill? Surely not. But through the long years, when the exactions and tyrannies of the Home government were discussed at firesides and from pulpits, the popular mind was educating, and the generation was in training which was to accomplish that great work. -- and we are preparing the way for a new and greater revolution, --we are pioneering the way for those who are coming to perfect it. We are educating the public mind for it, and the public conscience is ripening under the faithful lessons and rebukes it receives at the hands of the uncompromising abolitionists. Let us not then have any fear for our work, or for the manner of doing it. In faith, and with assured vision, we are sowing around us and through the land the seeds of everlasting truth. God will watch and care for it, and give it an abundant and a glorious harvest. Rev. SAMUEL J. MAY, of Syuracuse, addressed the meeting. He spoke of the very great difference, in many respects, between Syracuse and Boston, and the consequent difficulty of making a comparison between them. He proceeded to explain the tone of censure and severity, which some might think he had used, in his yesterday's remarks. At this point, WENDELL PHILLIPS was recognized entering the house, --for the first time during the Sessions of the Convention. Mr. Phillip's resolute and fearless course since the commencement of the fugitive slave case now pending in the city, excited anew the admiration of thousands, and had won for him a larger place in the hearts of the friends of freedom. Soon as he was recognized, murmurs of applause began, which soon swelled into tumultuous cheering. As he came to the platform, three cheers were called for Wendell Phillips, and given with an unequalled enthusiasm. Some unreflecting person in the rear called for three groans for Theodore Parker. Mr. Parker has been equally devoted with Mr. Phillips to the slave's welfare and the city's true honor, from the first hour of this kidnapping outrage. One feeble groan from two or three persons arose, and died away, unable to reach a second. Instantly followed the call, Three cheers for Theodore Parker, and another tremendous outburst of feeling came from the audience, telling of the wide place which Mr. Parker had in the regard and confidence of the Convention. WENDELL PHILLIPS (being vehemently called for) came forward and addressed the Convention in a speech of very great power. [It will appear at length, from the phonographic report.] Then followed loud calls for Theodore Parker, but he was not in the house. Gen. HENRY WILSON being recognized in the audience, was loudly called for, came forward, and made an animated speech; (which also will be fully reported.) HENRY C. WRIGHT asked Gen. Wilson to tell us how we are to 'change the hearts and consciences of the people.' Mr. Wilson replied, 'By inculcating sound constitutional views, and voting for true anti-slavery men.' Mr. WRIGHT asked how men were to be brought to vote thus; and went on to urge the Free Soil party to [[end of fourth column]] [[beginning of fifth column]] send out able and faithful anti-slavery lectures -- such as Joshua R. Giddings, --to revolutionize the public sentiment of Massachusetts. Mrs. ABBY KELLEY FOSTER wished to ask Gen. Wilson one question. What security has any one, said Mrs. F., in giving his vote to the Free Soil party, that we shall not be helping the worst pro-slavery men into office? Heretofore we have seen the Free Soil party coalescing with the Democratic party, electing George S. Boutwell, a timid doughface, to the Governor's chair, and helping to place Caleb Cushing, (!) the vilest pro-slavery man anywhere to be found, on the Supreme Judicial Bench of the State. Who can assure us that we shall not, by and by, see them putting that wretched tool of slavery, Benjamin F. Hallet, into office? Mrs. F. said she asked these questions in good faith, and not from any wish to cavil. Mr. COBURN made a few remarks, favorable to the Free Soil party. Adjourned. [[line]] THURSDAY. The Convention again assembled at the Melodeon, and was called to order, soon after 10 o'clock, by Francis Jackson. Mr. CRANDALL, of New Jersey, spoke well on the irresistible power of the principle of good-will to all men. He acknowledged that the professed ministers of religion in the land had been criminally neglectful of their duty to the anti-slavery cause; but, he said, the people had been guilty too. He said it was the people's duty to go ahead of the ministers, when they kept back, and to become, themselves, true ministers of Christ and freedom. N.H. WHITING, of Marshfield, made a clear and very impressive statement of the corrupting effects of our union with slaveholders upon Northern conscience and feeling. He showed the long and toilsome labor yet before the true abolitionists. SAMUEL MAY, Jr., in a few remarks, introduced the subject of pecuniary contributions, and moved that the Committee of Finance now proceed to receive donations and pledges of money to the anti-slavery treasury. Seconded, and unanimously adopted. S.S. FOSTER, of Worcester, spoke of the necessity of contributing freely to aid this cause. LUCY STONE followed on the same subject. The brothers Hutchinson were introduced and beautifully sang together a song--"Let the bondman go free." Adjourned. [[line]] AFTERNOON. Edwin Quincy in the chair. Mrs. CATHERINE S. BROWN spoke on the sufferings of woman, and her right and her duty to advocate this cause. On motion of S. May, Jr., six persons were added to the Vice Presidents of the Convention. Their names, having been printed on the list above, need not be repeated here. THOMAS GARRETT, of Delaware, (one of those whose names were thus added,) and who is extensively known as a fast friend of the slave, and one who has aided near two thousand slaves in obtaining their liberty, was loudly called for, was introduced to the audience, came forward, was received with the warmest cheers, and made a brief statement of the case of some recent fugitives. The HUTCHINSON brothers again sang an anti-slavery song, "Slavery is a hard foe to battle," which was received with great applause. Rev. CALEB STETSON eloquently advocated the idea, that there never can exist any compromise between freedom and slavery,--between the right and wrong. I may compromise with a man who demands of me my bread and butter,--giving him the butter and keeping the bread myself. But between things which are radically opposite to each other, there can be no compromise. In such an attempt the right perishes, the wrong remains; freedom will disappear, and slavery and oppression reign triumphant. He emphatically declared his conviction that the time had come when we should adopt a system of entire excommunication, and [[illegible - fold in paper]] with the slave-holder and kidnapper, with the violators of oaths and the breakers of promises. He spoke now of a social and political excommunication. As for excommunication from the church, he feared it was useless to speak of that; he feared that all honest men would soon turn round and excommunicate the church. On motion of S. S. Foster, the resolution on the Free Soil party, and that offered by H.C. Wright on the Dissolution of the Union, were taken up for discussion. Mr. Wright's resolution is as follows: Whereas, the only ground on which Liberty and Slavery should ever meet, is the battle-field whose war-cry is Victory or Death; therefore, Resolved, That the only issue to be made in the present Anti-Slavery struggle is, the Dissolution of the American Union, which extends protection alike to Slavery and Liberty, and the formation of a Northern Confederacy, on the principle of No Union with Slave-holders. Mr. FOSTER supported the resolutions at some length, going into a searching examination of the course and policy of the Free Soil party in Massachusetts. He referred to their placing Boutwell and Cushing in office,--men who never could have been placed in the offices they held in this State, had not the Free Soil men given them their votes; and this, after having declared it to be a pro-slavery act in the democrats to vote for these very men. Mr. F. made three distinct charges against the Free Soil party, viz.: 1. That, acknowledging the Constitution and Union to be on the side of slavery, it still goes for the support of them both. 2. That it selects and supports pro-slavery men for office. 3. That it amalgamates with pro-slavery parties, and helps to elect the vilest pro-slavery men to office. [It should be understood that a leading Free Soil gentleman was in the audience at the time the above charges were distinctly made by Mr. Foster. No reply was made.] JOHN A. INNIS attempted a reply to Mr. Foster, in the course of which he was declared out of order for offensive personalities. WM. LLOYED GARRISON commented on the manner in which the last speaker had used (or rather abused) the freedom of speech here granted, and upon the rowdy and indecent course of some young men, in the outskirts of the meeting, who had supported that speaker and insulted others. He then proceeded to speak of the slave-case at the court House, and of the question, whether Anthony Burns would, or would not, be carried from Boston into slavery. He said it was no new thing in this country; reminded us that, every eight minutes day and night, week after week, year after year, and without any cessation, a new human being is kidnapped, and added to the stock of American slaves; and said that the large majority of those, who are now so shocked and offended at this case, have been for years defending and sustaining the system of slavery, have been themselves in closest union with slaveholders, and have denounced and vilified the Abolitionists generally in the most sweeping manner. After a few further remarks from H.C. Wright and Caroline Hinckley, on the slave case, adjourned to the evening. [[line]] EVENING. Francis Jackson in the Chair. Mrs. EMMA R. COE, of Ohio, spoke upon the submission of Massachusetts to the Slave Power, and upon the character of that American religion which countenances and protects Slavery. Mrs. JOSEPHINE GRIFFING, of Ohio, spoke with much feeling and effect upon the case of Anthony Burns, and the conduct of the City government and people of Boston therein. She replied also to an inquiry which had been made of her, how the funds of teh abolitionists are expected. Mr. QUINCY read to the Convention the following resolutions, which were received with great enthusiasm, [[end of fifth column]] [[beginning of sixth column]] and unanimously adopted, the Convention rising in their seats. Resolved, That we would assure Richard H. Dana, Junior, and Charles M. Ellis, the counsel of Anthony Byrnes, of our warmest gratitude and our deepest admiration for the prompt and generons devotion with which they hastened to his help, and for the consummate skill, sagacity and eloquence which they have lavished in his defence against his kidnappers; and, whatener may be the success of their labors, we know that they will find their reward in the approbation of their own consciences, the grateful applauses of the lovers of liberty throughout the world, and the honorable place they have won for themselves on the pages of their country's history. Resolved, That the President of this Convention be requested to forward to Messrs. Dana and Ellis a copy of this Resolution. The remainder of the evening was occupied with remarks by Mssrs. GARRISON AND PHILLIPS, which were phonographically reported, and may be expected in full hereafter. The resolutions before the Convention, not already passed upon, were then put to vote, and were adopted. [Note. The whole amount of cash collections and donations at the Convention, including the evening fees taken at the door, was $666, --a larger sum than ever before taken. The amount of pledges, payable during the year, is $650.] EDMUND QUINCY, President of the Convention. SAMUEL MAY, JR., ELIAS SMITH, Secretaries.' [[line]] THE DEED OF INFAMY CONSUMMATED. Yes--a MAN has been successfully kidnapped in Boston, and carried off to Virginia as the rightful property of another! The friends of justice, freedom, humanity, have been foiled in their efforts to deliver him, and the Fugitive Slave Law has again been enforced in close proximity to Faneuil Hall and Bunker Hill. On Friday last, after a week of unparalleled excitement, Commissioner Loring gave his decision touching the case of Anthony Burns, the alleged fugitive slave from Virginia; pronouncing him to be no man, but a thing--not an accountable being, but a mere chattel; pronouncing the Declaration of Independence to be a lie, George Washington and his associates traitors and cut-throats, the golden Rule an absurdity, and Jesus of Nazareth an impostor; pronouncing despotism to be law, villany, equity, man-stealing democracy; pronouncing God to be a respecter of persons, a despiser of the poor and needy, an infinite demon, who has made a large portion of the human race only for chains and slavery; pronouncing all those who deny that man can be the property of man, whose souls are fired with indignation in view of the most terrible form of oppression under the sun, who aim to deliver the spoiled out of the hands of the oppressor, to be rebels, fanatics and madmen! Read his decision, as recorded on our fourth page; and, amidst the jumble of its words and the incoherency of its expressions, mark the cool audacity, the devilish intent, the unmitigated scoundrelism, which thoroughly pervade it. See on what ground this Satanic Commissioner declared Burns to be a fugitive slave--solely on an admission said by his kidnappers to have been made to them within the first ten minutes after they had him within their wolfish grasp!! No other evidence is deemed worth a straw. And this is law--'law which has its seat in the bosom of God'!!! How little cause the South has for exultation, and in which estimation she will hold the miserable official flunkeys here who have tried so desperately to win her favor, the following paragraph from the Richmond Enquirer of Friday last, very satisfactorily indicates: 'Such an execution of the Fugitive Slave Law as that which we witness in Boston, is a mockery and an insult. It is perfectly manifest, that the sentiment of the whole community is against the law. The press, while [[illegible]] to deprecate any demonstration of violence, have inflamed the passions of the mob by denunciations of slavery, and pathetic pictures of the wrongs of the fugitive. the municipal authorities openly incited the rabble to riot, and the Commissioner himself betrays a corrupt prejudice against the claimant. Meanwhile, the most respectable citizens have been inactive, if not indifferent spectators of the violent scenes, and but for the stern demonstration of Federal power, the law would have been trampled under foot by an enraged populace. The affair is not more encouraging to the South than creditable to Northern patriotism. There is nothing in the treatment of Mr. Suttle to induce Southern gentelment to pursue their slaves to Boston. Apart from the personal danger he has encountered, the expense of his journey will more than cover the value of his slave. Not only has he been annoyed by every sort of vexation and insult, but he has been arrested on a criminal accusation, and will be brought to plead like a culprit before a jury of abolitionists. Although such be our view of the Boston riot, yet we are not at all disposed to a violent ebullition of passion. It is against our philosophy to quarrel with a mishap which teaches a salutary lesson, and promises a fortunate result.' One fact, at least, is settled: --No man can be carried from Boston as a slave, except by the military power of the United States, and at the point of the bayonet. Let another victim be seized, and the late excitement shall be as tranquillity itself, in comparison with what will follow. another fact is not less certain: --To sanction a deed, or to connive at its perpetration, is to commit it. Every man, therefore, who assisted in carrying Burns on board of the Revenue Cutter, is before God A MAN-STEALER, and far more deserving of the gallows than a common murderer. Of the preeminently guilty abettors in this work of diabolism, we shall have something more definite to say next week. The Baltimore Patriot says of the statement made in the Woman's Rights Convention by a woman speaker, that she is the sister of Col. Suttle, and that he was born in New Hampshire: 'We have full authority for saying it is not true. Colonel Suttle is a native of Virginia, and was born in Stafford county, and he has never been married. So the whole story is a fabrication. This we state on the authority of a gentleman from Virginia, who is an intimate personal acquaintance of Col. Suttle.' The woman was probably insane. [[line]] We are happy to publish the following card, as an evidence of honesty and manhood on the part of a city official, --'faithful found among the faithless,' --which, under the circumstances, is worthy of the highest commendation. We learn, with great pleasure, that a handsome testimonial is to be presented to Mr. Hayes, as a proof that his noble conduct is appreciated by many in this community. BOSTON, June 2, 1854. To His Honor, the Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of Boston: Through all the excitement attendant upon the arrest and trial of the Fugitive, by the U.S. Government, I have not received an order which I have conceived inconsistent with my duties as an Officer of the Police, until this day, at which time I have received an order, which, if performed, would implicate me in the execution of that infamous 'Fugitive Slave Bill.' I therefore resign the office which I now hold as a Captain of the Watch and Police from this hour, 11 o'clock, A.M. Most respectfully yours, JOSEPH K. HAYES. [[line]] THE COURT HOUSE ATTACK CASE. the primary examination before the Police Court was finished Wednesday afternoon. Justice Cushing decided that John C. Cluer, Henry Stowe, and Nelson Hopewell, (colored,) should be fully discharged; martin Stowell, John Morrison, Walter Bishop, (colored,) John Wesley, (colored,) John J. Roberts and John Thompson, were held in $3000 to take their trial for riot. [[line]] THE SATANIC PRESS. Read the devilish articles, in regard to 'law and order,' &c., on our first page. No greater villains live unhung than such others. [[end of sixth column]]
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