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[[Bold double line]] |: WHOLE NUMBER DCCLIV. | |: THE LIBERATOR. :| | 103 :| [[Double line]] [[6 columns]] [[column 1]] Finally, the vote was taken by 'ayes and nays,'as it had been previously decided that it should be taken. I subjoin a list of those who voted on the occasion: [[italics]] Against the Petition [[/italics]]--F.A. Sumner, John Woart, F. O. Prince, Eben Jones, John C. Park, John Spence, Jr., Richard Soule, Jr., Amos Smith, H. G. Clark, E. Buck, Jr., S. P. Oliver, Rowland Ellis, W. H. Learnard, T. Restieaux, Elijah Stearns, E. D. G. Palmer, G. W. Parmenter, E. H. Snelling, Charles G. Emmons, L. Crosby, A. G. Wyman, John White, Jr., Dorus Clarke, T. H. Bell, D. W. Horton, F. Brown, T. B. Hawks, N. P. Kemp, W. D. Coolidge, Charles Boardmrn, David Kimball, E. A. Hobart, A. D. Parker, E. P. Hartshorn, J. P. Putnam, F. J. Humphrey, L. S. Cragin, William Howe, B. P. Richardson, F. H. Stimpson, O. Ditson, C. Stimpson, T. R. Marvin, D. T. Coit, N. Metcalf, H. Burroughs, J. T. Dingley, A. A. Watson, H. Dupee, J. W. Harris, Stephen Tucker, C. Howe, C. J. F. Allen, W. B. Brooks, A. Lovis, O. A. Skinner.--55. [[italics]] In favor of the petition [[/italics]]--A. Simonds, F. D. Stedman, H. I. Bowditch, W. W. Patton, C. A. Phelps, E. F. Messenger, W. Dall, E. Jackson, O. Carter, H. R. Andrews, V. Wilder, A. J. Wright.--12. Most truly and affectionately yours, H. I. BOWDITCH. [[horizontal line]] LETTER FROM HENRY C. WRIGHT. Stirling, May 25, 1845. DEAR GARRISON: You will see by the copy of the 'Witness' (the main organ of the Free Kirk) which accompanies this, the tactics of the leaders of that body. They are become exceedingly sore and bitter at the outcry raised among their people against their doings. They cannot defend their conduct, nor do they aim to Now they are seeking to divert attention from themselves, and to justify their joining hands with man-stealers and being partakers with adulterers, by an attack upon your views of the Sabbath, the Church and Ministry; and they hope to turn off the force of my charges against them, which are now pretty widely circulated through Scotland by means of pamphlets, handbills, newspapers, and public lectures, by accusing me of holding heretical views of the Sabbath and of worship. They are scattering broadcast, and making a great glorification over the choice bits, as they call them, which they find in the 9th chapter of 'Six Months,' &c. that I sent to you by James Brown in April. I have not yet entered into any defence of my views on the Sabbath and Worship, the Ministry, and Church, and don't know that I shall. I tell them, because they think I am in error on these subjects, that does not make it right for them to become hucksters in slaves and the souls of men. Their argument is--'H.C. Wright believes that every day should be [[italics]] alike [[/italics]] consecrated to God--that Christianity is not a religion of times and places--for this is the amount of their charge--therefore we will become slave-drivers and slave-breeders. We cannot unite with Henry C. Wright, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and the abolitionists, for they, [[italics]] as a body [[/italics]], are wholly undeserving respect and confidence, and destitute of judgment, sense, or sanity; because they hold slaveholding to be a sin that should exclude from Christian fellowship--(Chalmers, Cadlish, Cunningham)--therefore we will join the slaveholders, and enter into an agreement with hell, and make a covenant with death'! They cannot come near us, but they hug man-stealers, 'licensed robbers,' to their affectionate embrace. They choke at a gnat, but gulph down a camel, hump and all, at one mouthful. In the same manner they treat the Residuaries, or those who remain in the Establishment. They will not meet with them in the pulpit, at the communion, in a celebration of any kind, at a funeral, or marriage, on a school or educational committee, or pauper or benevolent committees. In a word, the Free have no dealings with the Residuaries, whom they brand as [[italics]] Erastians [[/italics]]--a word of fearful import in Scotland. At the same time, these Frees take into their church most notorious swearers and drunkards, and there is scarce a minister among them, from Dr. Chalmers down to the merest driviller that wags his paw in bond and gown among them, that does not [[italics]] tip [[/italics]] the whiskey toddy; and now they are seeking, Chalmers and all, to establish the point, that it is an apostolic, Christian practice, to turn immortal man, made in the image of God, into a brute--into sordid merchandise--to get domestic servants! From every quarter, the cry is coming up to them--'SEND BACK THAT MONEY.' Having sent over to that horde of thieves and robbers in the South, and asked them for their money to build their churches and pay their ministers, they cannot humble themselves to send it back, and thus acknowledge their fault. Their guilt lies in this--that to get the money, they entered into a compact with slaveholders, to this effect--'Give us your money, and we will receive you to our Christian embrace, and shelter you from the scorn and contempt of the world. Give us your money, and we will say nothing against slavery, and help to establish your right to herd MEN with beasts and creeping things. Give us your money, and we--Dr. Chalmers, Dr. Cunningham, Dr. Candlish, &c.--will step in between you and the abolitionists, to shield you from their rebukes, and from the obloquy and infamy which they are bringing upon you. Such is the covenant into which these Doctors of Divinity have entered with those Presbyterian slave-breeders and slave-drivers; and most sedulously are they laboring to keep their part of the compact of villany. You can form no idea of the state of mind in the people of Scotland respecting the Sabbath, and also respecting Christianity. Scarce a meeting-house in Scotland could be obtained for any one to speak on teetotalism, anti-slavery, non-resistance, free-trade, or universal suffrage, on the Sabbath, during [[italics]] canonical [[/italics]] hours--i.e. in the forenoon or afternoon. Some of them can be had in the evening; but the [[italics]] day [[/italics]] is counted too holy, and also the place, for the discussion of such questions of Humanity. This is one of the most powerful obstacles to the progress of Teetotalism, and to the other Christian reforms. Sunday is the only day on which the people can assemble--and on that day, nothing of a practical nature can come before them. Many are rousing up to see and feel this difficulty, and are beginning to see that 'the [[italics]] Sabbath was made for man [[/italics]],' and that there is no place or time in the universe too holy to discuss any question of humanity. MAN, here, is postponed to a [[italics]] Sabbath [[/italics]]--the sacredness of man is secondary to the sacredness of a day; and the high and holy sacredness of man and woman on earth are made entirely subservient to the interests of a holy day! The facts, the horrid facts necessarily associated with drunkeness, slavery and war, cannot be presented to the people on the Sabbath, to stir them up to remove these giant licensed and popular sins, because of the sacredness of the day. What must be the fatal, horrible delusion of that people, who can postpone such vital questions of humanity to their reverence for a day--who can see their fellow-creatures groping about in the miseries and degradations of chattelism, and slaughtered on the battle-field, and prostrate in the gutter of drunkenness, and will not consider their miseries, and seek to relieve them, for fear of polluting a [[italics]] day [[/italics]], or desecrating a place! This is sacrificing man to institutions with a vengeance. This kingdom can never be regenerated and saved, so long as man is thus made an appendage to the Sabbath, to a Church, to a Priesthood, or to institutions of any kind. Go to the ministers of Scotland, and ask the use of their churches to lay before the people Intemperance, War, Slavery and Monopoly, and they object not to you, nor to your subjects, on other days of the week, but they tell you such subjects are not fit for the sacred day--the Lord's day! As though it were improper to pull men out of the ditch on the Sabbath! What do they substitute? What they call Religion; but it is a Religion that has nought to do with Humanity--it is an abstraction. A whole Synod of 400 ministers and elders have just separated in Edinburgh, and another in Glasgow; and nearly ten days have been spent in discussing the question--[[italics]] Whether Christ died for all, or only a part of mankind. [[/italics]] They [[/column 1] [[column 2]] could do nothing to rescue men from the gutter, the auction, the battle, or the gallows. Some of them felt right about it, but these could do nothing. There is no thought of regarding truth and honesty in business, justice and mercy, between man and man; man's condition as an inhabitant of the earth, crushed and imbruted by social institutions and customs, as any part of their religion. Scotland is full of preaching and praying, and theology--but her [[italics]] Christianity [[/italics]] lives in the hearts of but few--and these are of the poor and unknown, generally. There are Christians in Scotland, but they are so in spite of the popular churches and the popular religion. I am in STIRLING. I have become much acquainted with this region of blood. Before me, I look from my window upon Stirling Castle--upon the ruins of the seats of the Earl of Marr and of the Duke of Argyle. Off to the north-east are the beautiful ORCHILS, with the river and vale of Deven at their base; to the east, toward Edinburgh, is the vale of the river of Forth; to the west are the Ben Lomond and other peaks of the Highlands. Stirling has about 10,000 inhabitants, and is more identified with the bloody history of Scotland than any other town. Close to where I am, is the place where John Knox used to thunder against Popery; and near me, down to the foot of the hill, is the bridge on which the last Bishop of Scotland was hung. It is the custom in this kingdom to billet soldiers gratis on the people, when on a march from station to station. A few nights since, a regiment entered this town at midnight, on their way from Glasgow to Edinburgh; and at that hour knocked up the people of the town to give them quarters. Many a mother, wife and child were turned out of their beds at midnight, to give food and beds to these DEFENDERS of England's Faith, Royalty, and Aristocracy. It was sad to see the feeble and helpless turned out of their beds to couch upon the floor and in barns, to give lodgings to these armed and trained marauders. [[italics]] Tuesday, May 30. [[/italics] You will see by the enclosed slip from the Belfast News Letter of May 23, the state of feeling in the Free Church and its defenders. I have written an answer. If published, I will send a copy. I am still in Stirling. This is market-day--an annual Fair. All the country for miles around is in town. Highlanders from [[italics]] Loch Katrine [[/italics]] and the [[italics]] Grampions [[/italics]] are here and from [[italics]] Trazachs [[/italics]] and the [[italics]] Ochils [[/italics]]. One can scarce elbow one's way through the streets; and such a mouthing of Highland and Lowland--of Gaelic and English! But the people are good natured, though before night, many will be staggering about drunk. Yours truly, H. C. WRIGHT [[horizontal line]] COMING TO THE RESCUE May 29, 1845. W. L. GARRISON : SIR--I am personally a stranger to you; a young man and a clergyman. This profession I have chosen, because, with my education, habits, opinions and tastes, I can do more and better of the best work, i.e. the elevation of men and society, here, than in any other situation--at least I think so. You will not have the discourtesy or lack of candor to gainsay this, my first distinct and deliberation assertion. Since I was old enough to observe it, I have been strongly interested in the anti-slavery movement. In college, seven years ago, I was one of four undergraduates, who helped sustain the first Society for the discussion of the subject formed there. Ever since, I have been accustomed to think, speak, and inquire freely. I have had nothing to conceal, and therefore have sought to conceal nothing. I have taken part in public meetings, where I have felt there was a word that I could say, and always with exactly the same end in view. Your own exertions I have been accustomed to regard with the sincerest respect. I have loved to say to those who misrepresented or calumniated you, what I have been told was the source of the strong and almost exclusive interest you have taken in this movement--that the work was the legacy left you by a dying mother. I have remembered and spoken of the sacrifices (light no doubt to yourself) made in behalf of this cause; and the gentleness as well as determination, by which you have in conversation won the regard of your opponents. This I have done in Massachusetts, and done in Virginia; and I do not say it to boast or to flatter; but simply to show you the way in which I have looked upon this matter, and do still. I think, too, I can enter into your feeling sufficiently to understand how you came to be so bitterly opposed to the church and clergy. This is a topic which I cannot argue with you, because our minds are both made up; yours in one way, and mine in another. The difference of our position is this: I regard the profession just as you do the convention or the press, as the means put in my hand to do my work. You regard it as it has often been actually employed--as an obstacle or a weapon, (at least so you view it,) hostile to your work. Of course, we shall never agree in our notion of it. And a still graver disagreement is, that will I rejoice at any true word you say, and at any progress made in your professed cause, and see clearly how your work and mine should and may work together for mutual help, not for hindrance; you, on the contrary, regard them as essentially and irreconcilably opposite. Let me say further, to avoid misapprehension, that there are two classes of men, doing equally a good service for mankind. The world of Humanity could not do without either. The success of the first depends on the preparation made for it by the second. One protests against existing wrong; the other seeks the vindicate and strengthen the existing right. One would reform the world; the other would life the life that true reform is always aiming after--as the world would live if there were no need of reformers. One looks to visible outward results, and would bring them about; the other looks to individual character, and would spiritualize and deepen that. One would do some particular definite form of God's work; the other would furnish MEN, fit for any work. One labors to overthrow imperfect institutions; the other uses them as the condition and means of reaching better. One will proceed especially by moral action; the other especially by religious action. The one is the side of true Reform; the other of true Conservatism. You, if sincere, are of the first; I, if equally sincere, of the second. Now you can stigmatize all this I have been saying as smooth sophistry. Perhaps you will; it is very easy. I shall not care to contend with you; for my object is not to convince you, but to explain myself. So I in conscience view the matter. You may accuse me of being time-serving and insincere. I can, if I choose, both deny and retort the charge; but I shall not care to do either; I make no imputation on another man's character or sincerity. For myself, I have pondered seriously in which station I could act to the best advantage,--whether to devote gifts and education, as Wendell Phillips has nobly done, to the cause, and stand as he does in the ranks of the reformers; or to take this other position, where Channing, Follen and Ware have stood before me, and labor here in their work. I have chosen this; whether rightly, I can only answer for myself. If I am wrong, I regret it, and shall doubtless find it out. If I am ever fully satisfied that I am wrong, I will renounce the profession that I have. Now there are some things, in regard to which my position leads me to a take a very different view from yours. To instance only one: I cannot, by any process of reasoning or observation, possibly make out, to my own conviction, that slavery should form a prominent topic of discussion in the pulpit. I am free to speak anywhere. I have no concealment to make of any of my opinions on the subject. If I felt hampered in doing what I might conscientiously believe to be the pulpit's work, I would either distinctly vindicate its freedom, or quit it at once. I [[/column 2]] [[column 3]] am glad, anywhere and everywhere, to engage in discussion and promote inquiry. I have often spoken in public of this particular thing, and of the course of action going on with regard to it, in such a way that no one has a right to misunderstand my views. But I cannot possibly make out that it should be a prominent topic of discussion in the pulpit, or that that is the place for dealing in the common anti-slavery argument. How much your own course, in relation to the Church, may have done to drive myself and others to this conviction, by compelling us to fall back and defend ourselves and the Church against your attacks, I cannot tell. It is sufficient to say, that this [[italics]] is my conviction. [[/italics]] And here we differ--differ widely. Now, such being the case, I have two questions to ask. You may answer them as you please. I shall answer them as I please. And let me hope that the candor and charity you demand from others, will make you as anxious to maintain my right of judging and acting for myself, as I am desirous that you should judge and act without incumbrance for yourself. The first question is, who is the better judge of the duties and relations of my own position--you, or I? The second is, shall I follow my own conscience, or yours? I trust you have sufficient scorn for subserviency to other men's judgment, or following another man's will, not to answer these two questions as I am compelled to answer them for myself. I should be sorry to think, Sir, that you, whom I have long respected as the uncompromising advocate of human liberty, should have become so habituated to claim all the wisdom, honesty and conscience for one side of the extremely complicated practical question, as to be incapable of doing justice to a man's motive, character or principle on the other side. If ever your public addresses or frequent protests have seemed to indicate this, I will presume that it was because you had encountered only hostility from those you opposed, and had not been brought into relations of personal sympathy and intercourse with them. Perhaps you do not desire this. If so, the greater pity, in one who pleads for liberty, humanity and love. If not, permit me to say, in return, that I do not see any thing to prevent entire mutual confidence, respect and help between those following your work and those following mine; i.e. until you show yourself in the attitude of an uncompromising assailant. Then, as in duty bound, I shall fall back on my own entrenchments, and resist to the uttermost. And you may find the dubious satisfaction of having converted friends and fellow-workers (though in another field) into determined and pledged antagonists, bound, by all they owe to their conscience, their honor, their country and their faith, to withstand the godless anarchy and traitorous apostacy, which, as they conceive, you are bringing upon them, and upon the best hope of man. Comparisons are odious; yet there is one comparison, Sir, which I wish to make now. During this week, I have attended, with strong interest, the various conventions held in Boston on the subject of slavery. And what have I heard? Where have I found the strong, free, [[italics]] unmingled [[/italics]] expression of hostility to an institution, which I would we all stood together to resist, because it is preying in common upon the vitals of us all? Where have I found the real anti-slavery sentiment? It has been in a [[italics]] clerical conference [[/italics]]--in private meetings, (at least what were meant to be private meetings,) and in confidential intercourse among brethren of my profession. There was difference of opinion, most freely expressed. There were degrees and shades of feeling, very various. But, if I wished to hear the calm, distinct utterance of deeply meditated thoughts--if I sought the sincere repugnance of a free, earnest soul towards what is teeming with corruption and vice--above all, if I desired to find this united with a distinct conscientious, pressing sense of [[italics]] individual responsibility, [[/italics]] and anxiety to do [[italics]] one's own duty [[/italics]] in relation to it,--I went there--to the conference of clergy convened first on Monday afternoon. I was not surprised at this. I had been accustomed to it before, and expected to find it then. But this was not all. What did I find at the other place--in Marlboro' Chapel, where men met professedly as the [[italics]] only [[/italics]] advocates, the [[italics]] only [[/italics]] apostles of human liberty? Why, Sir, there was, first, the whole purpose of the Convention turned aside from slavery as a secondary thing, and the time spent in denouncing the Church, which is already beginning to be pretty distinctly known as a real effectual antagonist to slavery. There were hours passed in listening to the tedious vituperations of a foreigner, against a set of men he had never seen,and knew only in name; and against things in our [[italics] ]American [[/italics]] state of society, of which he can understand the character and bearings not much better than we can see through the snarl of European politics. There was a throng of persons responding in glee to these various denunciations, and taking up the watchword only of hatred towards those who, at that very hour, were pondering what must be done, and what can be done effectively to withstand the encroachments of what even now grows and spreads under [[italics]] their [[/italics]] ill-advised and ill-omened 'action.' Other elements were there, I am glad to say. There were noble-hearted men, and women, too, whom I know, honor, and love. There were earnest, devoted ones, before whose untiring labor and cheerful self-sacrifice I have often felt first humiliated and then strengthened--conscious both how unworthy was my past ideal and past effort, and how inexhaustible the hope for man. There was the high-born and high-minded representative of the African race, into whose hands (if he is the man I think and trust he is) God seems to have given a mission as lofty and inspiring as that entrusted to any one man of our generation--Frederick Douglass--to whom I look more than to any other, as the Herald of his people's redemption. There were others, whom I have learned to honor, as inflexibly devoted, sternly conscientious, in prosecuting a work, which in some respects I hold wrong, and will resist; which yet I cannot refuse to treat with consideration, for the sake of these men who follow it. But the main purpose of that convention, I think, was prevented and thrown away. When those who should be acting in the same ranks are disbanded--when those pledged to the same faith of liberty are set at variance--when the sacred name of Freedom is used as the watchword of those who would cast down and desecrate what to me and thousands more is the altar of faith and the pledge of immortal hope--when generous-hearted young men are driven back, and dare not take allegiance to a cause thus profaned--then, Sir, I must think, and I must say, that something is going wrong. What that wrong is, each will judge for himself. I think it is the intolerance of men, who will not suffer others to think for themselves, or act in their own way. Now let me ask, you, Sir, how is all this going to result? I speak in the name, and speak the sentiments of very many of my professional brethren, when I say, that we have no hostility to yourself or to your work. But there is a work dearer to our heart, more sacred to our thought, pressing more closely upon our conscience, and identified far more thoroughly with our daily duty, than even that--than even the liberating of another race from bondage. It is the work of the Church of Christ. To you, these words do not mean what they do to me. I know how they will seem to you. But to me they are indissolubly bound up with every thought of God's providence, with every sentiment and pledge of sacredness, with every hope of humon freedom, and the salvation of the world. And the portion of that work which is put into my hands, I must and will be faithful to. It is my work; that which I have chosen before every other, that which I am pledged to, until every remnant of faith in God and Humanity and immortal life is wrested away from me. I am bound to that: and whatever is hostile to that, I will, steadily as I may, withstand. [[/column 3]] [[column 4]] You may scorn our alliance and our good will. You may treat us as we have never treated you. You may calumniate and abuse us, and rend away the multitude of your followers from all confidence and regard towards us. You may tear these two marshalled legions of earnest men asunder, and set them on to fight each other ro the death. You may do all this, and we shall be sorry for it. We shall regret it for your sake, for the sake of the Church, of freedom, and of humanity. But for ourselves, at least for that interest of ours which you tell us is our only care, I need hardly say that we concern ourselves very little about it. Of course we shall not abandon a work that is above all others sacred and dear to us. Of course you must know the strength of resistace and self-support, which your opposition is callihg out in an institution so venerable for age, so closely bound up with the most cherished heart's experience of our community. There is a meaning left yet to these words--[[italics]] 'We are contending for our altars, our firesides, and our soul's home;' [[/italics]] a meaning that comes to me every day, from my own conviction and from others' hearts, with new and gathered force. You are probably aware, Sir, that year after year, when we come up to meet at our city gatherings, it is with fresh hope and augmented strength; that religious effort, church action, has every year a deeper hold and a more busy operation; that every division of our religious bodies is like the clearing of an olive tree, where every part takes root, and has its independent life; that new combinations are formed, new alliances cemented, new social and religious sympathies made to spring up, at every annual congregating of fellow-worshippers; that fast as one mode of acting is superseded or supplanted, it is by a new one, with renewed strength that comes up spontaneously to take its place; that schemes of organized associated effort, in behalf of every measure of reform, grow out, year by year, from the inexhaustible bosom of the Church. All this you probably know, as it is so familiar to us all. And perhaps you can call to mind, too, these few words of John Milton: 'They fret, are in agony, lest these divisions and subdivisions will undo us. The adversary again applauds, and waits the hour; when they have branched themselves out, saith he, small enough into branches and partitions, then will be our time. Fool! he sees not the firm root out of which we all grow, though into branches; nor will he beware until he see our small divided maniples cutting through at every angle of his ill-united and unwieldy brigade.' I do not say what I have said, or quote these words, for the sake of boastful or ill-timed triumph against those I look on as mistaken men, or to taunt you with the dissensions that have broken up your organization, and partially thwarted your cause. But I would remind you that there is such a thing as earnest and sworn adherence to a body, which you have been accustomed to misunderstand and assault; and that, as these words were spoken once in the name of a church divided and calumniated like our own, so they still express the quiet and resolved confidence with which we have pledged ourselves to the Church's work. We can afford to receive your denunciation. Even your misrepresentation, I suppose, does us good--good personally, at least, by increasing our vigilance, and strengthening our adherence to that institution, whose offices we hold, and by whose name we are called. But for the sake of that which all good men have at heart, for the sake of what we all reverence as the cause of liberty and right, for the sake of the fidelity of the Church and the purity of Reform, I most devoutly wish our attitude were that of friends, and not that of foes. Yours always, in behalf of freedom and truth, | A. :| [[horizontal line]] ABBY KELLEY. It will be seen by reference to preceding columns, that this gifted, devoted, and energetic apostle of freedom is creating a great stir at the West. Every true-hearted abolitionist will read, with a thrill of pleasure, the homage, the unwilling homage, which her devotion, sincerity and truthfulness, eloquence, tact and grace have extorted even from the enemy himself. Pro-slavery acknowledges itself beaten in argument and discomfited in debate, in her as an antagonist, and slinks away in mortified defeat. Even mobocracy itself is awed into respect by her discreet and chaste demeanor, and she is defended from the attacks of the vilest of the vile by the very opponents of our cause. God sustain her in the exercise of the talent with which he has so wonderfully endowed her! In view of her zeal and devotedness, how many of us need be ashamed to call ourselves by the truly honorable (though to the world dishonorable) title, abolitionist! Let the devotion of this noble woman shame us to increased effort, if a sense of duty to the slave will not do it. Nothing, however, short of a pressing sense of moral obligation and love of the right can stimulate to vigorous and continued action. Let each then exclaim, with the high-souled Phillips--'I was not born to abolish slavery, but to DO MY DUTY.'--Y. [[horizontal line separating articles]] Those of our subscribers residing near Boston, who have heretofore received their papers by private conveyances, are requested to send notice to the General Agent if they desire them sent in future by mail. [[horizontal line]] [[image: hand with index finger pointed towards text]] The communication of 'S. M.' is again unavoidably deferred till next week. It is a just rebuke of the scandalous article in the Boston Recorder, respecting the New-England A. S. Convention, which we have placed in today's 'Refuge of Oppression.' [[bold double-line separating articles]] Extract from a letter, dated CALCUTTA, April 4th. The Cholera is raging here. From five to six hundred die daily; though not many among the shipping. [[italics]] Fatal Accident at Lowell, Mass. [[/italics]]--Mr. Welton, stage agent, ran out of the office to arrest the horses attached to a stage at the door, which were frightened by a thunder shower. He was thrown down by the horses, run over by the coach, and killed almost instantaneously. [[italics]] Accident at Bath. [[/italics]]--Just as the steamboat was about to leave the wharf at Bath, on Wednesday morning. for Boston, a Cabman drove up to the wharf with two ladies and backed his cab off the wharf into the water. One of the ladies, Mrs. Nichols, wife of a gentleman connected with the customs, was drowned. The other lady was saved. [[italics]] Minister to England. [[/italics]]--Louis McLane of Maryland, has been appointed by the President, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, vice Edward Everett, recalled. [[italics]] Improvement. [[/italics]]--The beautiful estate of Mr. Aaron Willard, which has been so much admired by promenaders over the Neck, for a whole generation, has been sold, and is to be converted into building lots. The shrubbery has been torn up, the grass is trampled down, and the mansion is to be taken away to give place to a score of houses upon the modern plan. The estate bounds upon three streets, and was sold, we understand, at forty cents a foot.--[[italics]] Boston Courier. [[/italics]] [[italics]] The Fire at Fayettville, N.C. [[/italics]]--A letter published in the Raleigh Register thus recapitulates the damage sustained by the fire on the 15th:--There are 53 front tenements burnt, besides large and valuable warehouses and outbuildings. The loss, as near as I can ascertain, is from $300,000 to $350,000, of which $125,000 to 150,000 are insured in various offices. Edward L. Carey, of the firm of Carey & Hart, Booksellers and Publishers, Philadelphia, died in that city on the morning of the 16th inst. He was greatly beloved by a wide circle of acquaintances. Mr. Carey was the son of the venerable Matthew Carey. His age was about 40. [[italics]] Boy Killed. [[/italics]]--An unfortunate accident happened on the Niagara Railroad, near Cayuga creek. It seems that a boy, who was a stranger, was discovered on the rear freight car, at Tonamanda, and not having taken passage, was requested to leave. He did not, however, as it appears, but continued on some miles, when he is supposed to have been jolted off. He fell, with his neck on the rail, so that the wheel severed his head from his body.--[[italics]] Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. [[/italics]] [[end column 4]] [[begin column 5]] [[italics]] The Awful Sentence of Death. [[/italics]]--This dreadful fiat was pronounced, this bright and peaceful morning, upon the miserable Orrin De Wolf, by Chief Justice Shaw. Last night, about 10 o'clock, the jury came in with a verdict of GUILTY against the prisoner, and this morning the Court-room was filled with sinful men to hear a sinner consigned to a fearful destiny. The scene, we are told, was extremely painful, and the sentenced and the sentencer, and the sympathizing multitude, were deeply moved at words which would seem unlawful for man to utter.--[[italics] ]Worcester (Mass.) Citizen. [[/italics]] [[italics]] Convicted. [[/italics]]--Seth Perry has been convicted of manslaughter, for killing Patrick Stapleton, at Plymouth, Mass., on St. Patrick's day, 17th of March last. The evidence went to show that the deceased and others were quarrelling in Perry's house, and were at length turned out, the two Stapletons, Bates and others fighting with varied success, and when they had got about two rods from the house, Perry came out with a gun and fired three times at the retreating combatants, killing the two Stapletons, and wounding Dowlan. The Norridgwock (Me.) Press states that a very destructive fire was raging in the woods on Dead river and the adjoining country, which has done immense damage to timber lands and other property within its wide range. Some eighteen buildings were laid in ruins, a large number of camps with the supplies of lumbermen, were dostroyed, completely burning over the Copeland Township, (so called,) the Moxy Township, and about ten thousand acres on Cold Stream. George Bancroft, says the Union, has consented to deliver an eulogium upon General Jackson, at the request of the Democratic Association at Washington. [[italics]] Longevity. [[/italics]]--It is stated in the Warsaw Gazette, that a shepherd named Demetrius Grabowsky, died a short time since at Potorski, on the frontiers of Lithuania, at the great age of 169 years. Jenkins, the oldest man on record in England, lived exactly as long as the Polish shepherd. Old Parr reached 152 years. It is said that Grabowsky has left a son who is now 120 years old. A female died lately in Poland, aged 124. Joseph Ram, a negro, affords the most extraordinary recent instance of longevity, next to Grabowsky; he died at the age of 146. Louis Phillippe and Victoria, the kings of Belgium, Naples, and Holland, and the queen of Spain, are all to meet at Paris in August next. Royalty in the concentre! Ronge, the seceding priest of Rome, who claims marriage for the clergy, is producing a great stir in Germany The Emperor of Austria opposes the heresy, and does his best to shut it out of his dominions. The King of Prussia favors it. Among the passengers from New-York by the Great Western was M. Fleischmann, (of Washington,) an agent of Professor Morse's Telegraph. He intends visiting England and the principal cities on the continent, with a view to the introduction of this wonderful invention in foreign countries. Mrs. Willard, formerly of the Troy Female Seminary, has recovered $20,000 from the estate of Dr. Yates, late her husband. This sum had been pledged to her in the marriage contract, on condition that she would relinquish her right of dowry. Eighteen females were crushed or trampled to death, and fifty seriously injured, owing to a false alarm of fire in a cigar manufactory at Huerta, near Valencia, on the 3d ultimo. The celebrated maring artist, Higgins, died in London, a few days ago, much respected. [[bold double-line separating articles]] THE PLEDGES. [[short horizontal line]] DISUNION PLEDGE. Whereas, in the formation and adoption of the Constitution of the United States, the following criminal and dangerous concessions were made to the slaveholding power, namely: that the foreign slave trade should be safely prosecuted under the national flag, as a lawful branch of American commerce, for a period of not less than twenty years; that fugitive slaves should find no protection from their pursuers on any portion of the American soil; that slave insurrections should be suppressed by the combined military and naval power of the country, if needed in any emergency; and that a slaveholding oligarchy, created by allowing three-fifths of the whole slave population to be represented as property by their masters, should be allowed a place in Congress;-- Therefore, regarding that Constitution as a 'covenant with death and an agreement with hell,' the mighty prop that sustains the entire slave system, we, the undersigned, to signify our abhorrence of injustice and oppression, and to clear our skirts from innocent blood, do herby pledge ourselves not to elect, or in any way aid or countenance the election of any candidate for any office, the entrance upon which requires an oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States; but in all suitable ways to strive for the peaceable dissolution of the Union, as the most consistent, feasible means of abolishing Slavery. [[short horizontal line]] ANTI-SLAVER PEACE PLEDGE. We, the undersigned, hereby solemnly pledge ourselves not to countenance or aid the United States Government in any war which may be occasioned by the annexation of Texas, or in any other war, foreign or domestic, designed to strengthen or perpetuate slavery. [[bold double-line separating articles]] PROVIDENCE ANTI-SLAVERY FAIR. [[italics]] To the Abolitionists of Rhode Island. [[/italics]] | PROVIDENCE, June 1, 1845. :| DEAR FRIENDS: The Annual Fair of the Providence Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society will be held in this city on the FIRST WEDNESDAY (Commencement Day) of September, 1845. On behalf of this Fair, we would address not only the friends of Freedom in Rhode Island, but the enemies of Slavery every where. 'Our Country is the world--our countrymen are all mankind.' We are endeavoring to overcome not only [[italics]] our [[/italics]] foes, but the foes of universal freedom and of all freemen. The [[italics]] spirit [[/italics]] of slavery recognizes no geographical limits, neither should the saving spirit of freedom. The friends of [[italics]] slavery [[/italics]] make common cause. They pour out their sympathy to each other in overwhelming currents. Why should localities throw the cramping cords of restraint around the [[italics]] energies, [[/italics]] and the blasting influences of non co-operation, about the [[italics]] fellowship [[/italics]] of the truly free? The recent startling and bloody aggressions of the slave spirit in threatening and imprisoning, branding, shooting and murdering those of our brethren who dare feel, speak and act, for the bondman as bound with him; who dare think that mercy is [[italics]] not [[/italics]] a crime, call for strengthened and more powerful, nay, unwearied exertions--more self-denial--personal sacrifice on our part, that we may bid the monster back to the hellish place of its birth. As a nation, we are on the verge of ruin. The prisons, the bloody defiance of the oppressor--the cry of our murdered brother's blood, from every mountain and valley, plain, and swamp of the South--the shriek of the captured fugitive, as he is hurled back to bondage by Slavery's Northern 'hell dogs'--all these, and more, proclaim to us that inaction [[italics]] is treason, [[/italics]] and silence, [[italics]] crime. [[/italics]] Come and help us. Help us expel from the world a monster spirit that gluts upon the liberties and lives of God's free men. Be not penurious--'As ye would that others should do to you, do you even so to them.' Your own bodies are imprisoned--the fetters are on [[italics]] your [[/italics]] soul--inasmuch as this is your brother's fate. Give us of your substance--no matter of what name, kind or nature it may be--every thing--any thing will be valuable. Almost [[italics]] every [[/italics]] person has [[italics]] something [[/italics]] that may be devoted to this purpose. Will you not hunt it up? Do it for humanity's sake--for God's sake--for your own sake. All contributions, or communications for information or otherwise, may be sent to the [[italics]] Anti-Slavery office, [[/italics]] corner of Broad and Dorrance Streets, care of Amarancy Paine. [[italics]] S. R. Harris, Hannah B. Shove, Mary R. Clark, Lucretia Francis, Abby Thurber, Olive Taber, Sarah B. R. Foster, Abby A. Lake, Caroline Ashley, Abby Burgess, Sarah R. Smith, Mary Smith, Elizabeth H. Brown, Amarancy Paine. [[/italics]] [[horizontal line separating articles]] PLYMOUTH COUNTY A. S. SOCIETY--ANNUAL MEETING. The old Colony (Plymouth County) Anti-Slavery Society will hold their annual meeting at the Universalist meeting-house in West Scituate on Friday, the 4th of July, commencing at 9 o'clock, A.M. The Rev. Mr. Tomlinson of Plymouth will deliver an address on the occasion. It is hoped that the friends in the several towns will exert their influence to make this meeting one of the most efficient and interesting of any ever held in the county. | S. DYER, [[italics]] Secretary. [[/italics]] :| South Abington, June, 13, 1845. [[/column 5]] [[column 6]] LECTURES BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS. FREDERICK DOUGLASS will lecture in Worcester, Mass. July 1 Holden, " " 2 Westminster, " " 3 Athol, " " 4,5 Hubardstown, " " 6 Princeton, " " 7 Barre, " " 8 West Brookfield, " " 10 South Wilbraham, " " 11 Albany, New-York " 12 Troy, " " 13 Winfield, " " 14 Utica, " " 15 Rome, " " 16 Syracuse, " " 17 Skaneatelas, " " 18 Waterloo, " " 19,20 Palmyra, " " 21,22 Rochester, " " 23,24 He intends going as far West as Buffalo--and returning, will hold a series of meetings in such towns as he may find it convenient Will the Standard please copy? [[horizontal line separating articles]] MASS MEETING. The working-men of Massachusetts are notified that a Mass Meeting will be held in a Grove near the Watering Station of the Boston and Lowell Railroad, the 4th of July next. We have but to announce the fact to the Working-men, to ensure a large and enthusiastic gathering, on the occasion. They will not allow themselves, with such a cause as theirs, and such professions on their lips, to be out-done on the score of zeal, self-devotion, energy and enterprise, by the political parties. We see the demonstrations they have made, on former occasions, of self-sacrifice to their cause. If we are not as mutitudinous as they, is that a reason why we should not do what we can? Come all who may, and make the approaching anniversary one that shall be unexampled in point of spirit and power since the days of our Fathers. The rights of labor demand that not one be missing when the roll is called. Able speakers will be present, and address the meeting from New-York, Boston, Fitchburg, Lynn, and many other places. Tickets of admission to a repast on the occasion, fifty cents, admitting a gentleman and lady. Editors who are interested in the elevation of the producing classes and industrial reform, and the extinction of slavery and servitude in all their forms, are invited to give the above an insertion in their papers, and also to be present at the meeting. [[horizontal line separating articles]] WINDHAM COUNTY MEETING. On the Fourth of July, the friends of the slave will hold an anti-slavery meeting in a grove, known as the Milton camp-ground, on Allen's Hill, about two miles South-East of Brooklyn village, and near the house of Mr. John Allen. Interesting speakers will be in attendance, in addition to which, the meeting will be free to all, whether friends or foes, who may wish to present their views on the great slavery question now shaking the land. The ground is not far from two miles South-West from Danielsonville Depot, whence conveyance can be obtained at all times of the day. | LUCIAN BURLEIGH, [[italics]] Rec. Sec. [[/italics]] :| [[horizontal line separating articles]] PLACE WANTED. Wanted, a place in the country for SAMUEL, an [[italics]] emancipated slave, [[/italics]] recently from Louisiana. He is about 25 years of age, strong and healthy, and of good disposition and habits. He is somewhat deficient in intelligence, and would, therefore, require a little more than usual aid and oversight on the part of his employer. Wages are not his object. A decent home and good treatment are all that is at present desired for him. Address, | JOHN G. PALFREY, :| | State House, Boston. :| [[bold double-line separating articles]] DIED.--In Brookline, of consumption, on the 17th inst., Mary B. Newhall, daughter of Daniel Newhall, of Lynn, aged 27 years. [[bold double-line separating articles]] NEW-ENGLAND [[large bold type]] TRUSS MANUFACTORY. [[/large bold type]] The subscriber continues to manufacture Trusses of every description, at his residence at the old stand, opposite 264, No. 305 Washington-street, Boston, entrance in Temple Avenue, upstairs. All individuals can see him alone, at any time, at the above place. Having had twenty years' experience, he has afforded relief to three thousand persons for the last five years. All may be assured of relief, who call and try Trusses of his manufacture. He is now confident he can give every individual relief who may call on him. [[image: hand pointing index finger towards text]] The public are cautioned against the many quacks, who promise what they cannot perform. Having worn the different kinds of Trusses, more or less, that have been offered to the public for the last twenty years, from different patent manufactories, and now continues to wear those of his own manufacture, he is now able to decide, after examining the rupture, what sort of Truss is best to adapt to all the cases that occur; and he has on hand as good Trusses, and will furnish any kind of Truss that can be had elsewhere. [[image: hand pointing index finger towards text]] J. F. F. manufactures as many as twenty different kinds of Trusses, among which are all the different kinds similar to those the late Mr. John Beach of this city formerly made, and all others advertised in Boston, together with the patent elastic spring Truss, with spring pads. Trusses without steel springs--these give relief in all cases of rupture, and a large portion produce a perfect cure. They can be worn day and night. Improved hinge and pivot Truss; umbilical and spring Trusses, made in four different ways; Trusses with ball and socket joints; Trusses for Prolapsus Ani, by wearing which persons troubled with a descent of the rectum can ride on horse-back with perfect ease and safety. Mr. Foster also makes Trusses for Prolapsus Uteri, which have answered in cases where pessaries have failed. Suspensory Trusses, Knee Caps and Back Board are always kept on hand. As a matter of convenience and not of speculation, the undersigned will keep on hand the following kinds from other manufactories, which they can have if his does not suit them:--Dr. Hall's; Read's Spiral Truss; Runnell's do; Salmon's ball and socket; Sherman's patent; French do; Marsh's Improved Truss; Bateman's do, double and single; also Trusses of all sizes, for children. Any kind of Trusses repaired at short notice, and made as good as when new. [[image: hand pointing index finger towards text]] Ladies, wishing for any of these instruments, will be waited upon by Mrs. Foster, at the above place. Mrs. F. has been engaged in the above business for ten years. He likewise informs individuals he will not make their complaints known to any one, except when he is permitted to refer to them--it being a misfortune, and young persons do not want their cases known. | JAMES FREDERICK FOSTER. :| Boston, June 13, 1845. iseptf [[horizontal line separating articles]] THE COVENANTER. It is proposed to publish a Monthly Periodical, 32 pages octavo, with the above title, in the City of Philadelphia, the first number to be issued on the first of August, 1845. The general object of this Magazine shall be to disseminate the doctrines of the testimony of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. Its pages shall be devoted chiefly to the following points: 1. The mediatorial authority of Christ over all the nations of the earth, and the immoral character of the Constitution of the United States. 2. The evils and danger of Popery, in its religious and political aspects. 3. The divine right of Presbyterian Church Government, in all its parts. 4. The sin and danger of Slavery, and the duty and safety of immediate emancipation. 5. The duty of total abstinence from intoxicating drinks as a beverage, and the immorality of the traffic in this article. 6. The immoral tendency of the study of pagan literature in the colleges and universities, and the necessity of a reformation in the course of literary studies. 7. The imperative duty of Christians to support Domestic and Foreign Missions. The following individuals, among others, have agreed to contribute to its pages, and their names will be a sufficient guarantee to the members of the Church and others, that the publication will be worthy of their support: Rev. Robert Wallace, Rev. James Milligan, Rev. James R. Willson, D. D., Rev. William Sloman, Rev. Samuel M. Willson, Rev. William L. Roberts, Rev. J. B. Johnson, Rev. James M. Willson, Rev. Andrew Stevenson, Rev. James Wallace, Rev. Hugh Stevenson, Rev. J. J. McClurkan, Rev. James Beattie. TERMS.--THE COVENANTER will be published monthly, at ONE DOLLAR per annum, if paid in advance, or before the publication of the fourth number; [[italics]] one dollar and twenty-five cents, [[/italics]] if paid after the publication of the fourth number, and before the termination of the year; and [[italics]] one dollar and fifty cents, [[/italics]] if not paid till the expiration of the year. These terms are exceedingly low, and will be invariably adhered to. Single numbers, twelve and a half cents. | D. SMITH. :| [[/column 6]]
There a few obvious typos on this page, e.g. dostroyed instead of destroyed. I have left the typos in tact, as they are printed.
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