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November, 1860. DOUGLASS' MONTHLY. 361 [[line]] [[3 columns]] [[column 1]] ceremony of the inauguration, or rather to look upon the [[italics]] really few [[/italics]] who were near enough to see and hear what passed! Of the latter number was Dr. C., who heard, he says, 'every word of every speech.' It is believed there were between thirty and forty thousand people in the Park during this gala afternoon, and general holiday, and every one looked in good humor and full of enjoyment. All honor to the name of CROSSLEY! Halifax may well be proud of such a family, and delight to honor any of the noble band of brothers. I wish you could have been among us on that interesting occasion. Your Halifax friends frquently enquire for you, and desire, from time to time, their kindest regards, best wishes, and earnest hopes to see you again before long. With the full intention of writing again ere long, I remain, as always, Your faithful friend, JULIA G. CROFTS. [[LINE]] [[bold]] POLITICAL ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. [[/bold]] [[LINE]] An adjourned meeting of the Political Anti-Slavery Convention, which met in Boston, May 29th, was commenced in Worcester' Sept. 19th, at Washburn Hall. The object of the Convention was to 'consider the propriety of organizing a political party upon the basis of anti slavery interpretation of the United States Constitution, with the avowed purpose of abolishing slavery in the States, as well as in the Territories of the Union.' The meeting was called to order at 10 o'clock by Mr. Stephen S. Foster, of Worcester. Mr. Wm. Coe, of Worcester, was chosen President [[italics]] pro tem.,[[/italics]] and A.P. Brown, Sec'y. Mr. Foster read the Call for the Convention. He was followed by Mr. Frederick Douglass, of Rochester, N.Y., who addressed the Convention on the necessity of a return to the radical anti-slavery ideas for which the originators of the anti-slavery movement in this country contended, and their advancement by political means. Mr. Foster reviewed the position of the American A.S. Society at some length. Mr. Douglass, and Mr. E. T. Hutchins, of Killingly, Conn., and Mr. Locke, of Athol, followed in remarks upon the principles to be adopted by the new Society; the last in defence of the American A.S. Society. The meeting then adjourned for dinner. AFTERNOON SESSION. At the commencement of the afternoon session, Mr. Foster again spoke, in continuation of his remarks in the forenoon. He concluded by offering the following series of resolutions, as embodying the principles and platform on which it is proposed to organize the new party:— Resolved, That we, the friends of freedom, assembled in Convention, in the city of Worcester, on the 20th day of September, 1860, do hereby organize ourselves into a political association, to be known as the Union Democratic Party of the United States of America, upon the following basis and platform of principles: 1. All men, irrespective of color, condition, sex, or nationality, have a natural and indefeasible right to themselves, and no government, association, or combination of men on earth, can, by any possibility, give to one man any right of property in the person or labor of another, except by his own voluntary consent. 2. It is the right and duty of all men to defend their own liberty by the most potent means which God and nature have placed in their power, at whatever cost to their oppressors. 'Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God,' in black as well as white—in bond as well free. [[/column 1]] [[column 2]] 3. It is the imperative duty of our National Government to protect, impartially, all the inhabitants of the country in the full enjoyment of all their natural rights; and any administration which, under any pretext whatever, seeks to evade this duty, is false to the fundamental principles of democracy, false to the Constitution, false to every principle or moral obligation which binds us together as a civil community, a dishonor to the country, and utterly unworthy of the confidence and support of any gennine friend of freedom. 4. The people of the United States, and not the Supreme Court, are the ultimate arbiter in all questions involving the interpretation of the Constitution. By our theory of government, the people are the only rightful rulers of the country; the courts, as well as the legislature and the executive, being mere agents entrusted with authority to execute the popular will;— and hence it is their right and duty to review and for sufficient reasons to reverse the decisions of their courts; and any court which should refuse to obey the clearly expressed will of popular majority would be an intolerable despotism, which should be at once abolished. 5. The United States Constitution, fairly interpreted, is entirely and unequivocally on the side of freedom. It prohibits the existence of slavery in the States, and invests the Federal Government with ample powers for its overthrow, wherever found, whether under territorial or State legislation; and the friends of freedom ought everywhere to insist upon the immediate application of those powers to the removal of an evil which has already made our country a reproach to the cause of freedom throughout the civilized world. 6. As justice is impartial, and all men are by nature equal, all laws, to secure our respect and support, must be based upon general principles, operating equally upon all classes of society, securing to each an equal share in all the natural gifts of a common Creator. 6. Slavery is organized piracy, with many features of barbarism and infamy unknown to any system of piracy ever practiced upon the high seas; and any Administration, by whatever name it may be called, which sanctions or tolerates it, in any of the States or territories of the Union, is not only guilty of all the crimes inherent in the slave system, but it also guilty of treason to the Constitution which it has sworn to support. Consequently, we shall recognize no such Administration as the legitimate government of the Republic; we shall not act with it; nor shall we recognize any of its acts as having any legal or binding force other than that which traitors can give to the statutes which they enact; and as all the powers of the government are dependent upon the purse, we shall consent to no appropriations from the national treasury till it shall become in fact what its founders designed it should be, and what they made it in form, the impartial protector of all from whom it required allegiance or submission. 8 Any act, which, if done by a private individual, would be a crime against natural justice, when done by an officer of government is equally criminal, and doubly dangerous. It is, therefore, the duty of all good citizens to resist, in all suitable ways, the execution of the infamous fugitive enactment of 1850, and all other legislation intended to subvert the rights of individuals, whether black or white, for the benefit of a favored few. Finally: Recognizing in woman the same capacity for government which we find in man, and the same necessity for its protecting care, we invoke her aid and co-operation in this sublime moral effort to transform, by peaceful political means, a slaveholding despotism into a model of republican liberty, justice and equality. Mr. Foster spoke at some length, in explanation and defence of these resolutions, taking the ground that the United States Constitution is eminently an anti-slavery instrument, which, if carried out in its letter and spirit, as it should be, would set at liberty every slave in the land. Dr. Calvin Cutter, of Warren, thought it not so clear that the Constitution was anti-slavery; if it was so, there were some features in it which might possibly be construed otherwise. He thought it might be well to amend the Constitution in some respect, to set the matter at rest beyond all peradventure. [[/column 2]] [[column 3]] The Chairman, Mr. Foster, and Mr. Douglass, thought the Constitution well enough as it was; it was in letter and spirit thoroughly anti-slavery, if strictly carried out. Mr. F. Douglass made an eloquent speech in defence of the principle of organizing a political party on the basis of an anti-slavery interpretation of the Constitution. EVENING SESSION. In the evening, (Dr. Mann in the chair,) Mr. Foster offered the following resolutions: Resolved, That it is neither consistent nor possible for a people who depend upon government for the protection of their liberty and rights, to abolish the institution of slavery, and defend the liberty and rights of its victims, by moral power alone; and hence, any scheme of emancipation which either ignores political action altogether, or depends upon pro-slavery political parties to do its work, is radically defective in principle, and must inevitably end in failure and bitter disappointment. Resolved, That the great want of our country, at the present time, is a National Political Education Society, whose object shall be to educate the people, the rulers of the country, in a thorough knowledge of the fundamental principles of democratic government, and of their duty to defend and enforce those principles in every part of the Union, for the impartial protection of its inhabitants, irrespective of color, condition, sex or nationality. Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed by this Convention to correspond with prominent friends of freedom in different sections of the country upon this subject, with power to call a Convention for the purpose of organizing such an association at such time and place as they may deem expedient. Resolved, That in this sublime moral effort to arrest the downward tendency of our government, and transform a slaveholding despotism into a model of justice, simplicity and equality, by the only means which afford any rational hope of success, viz., the education of the people in the science of government, we invoke the aid of all classes of our fellow-citizens, but especially do we solicit the co-operation of those manufacturers of public sentiment, the clergy and the conductors of our periodical press, without whose ultimate sanction and aid no work of national reform can ever succeed. Lucy Stone made a short speech in defence of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and contended that the U.S. Constitution is not anti-slavery, and thought it should be so amended before action under it, that it could not be construed in favor of slavery. Mr. Foster defended his position. Adjourned. SECOND DAY—MORNING SESSION. Met at 10 o'clock. The Committee on Nominations reported the name of Dr. Daniel Mann, of Ohio, for President, and William W. Wilson for Secretary. Lucy Stone, A.P. Brown, and Dr. Calvin Cutter were added to the Business Committee. Dr. Mann spoke in favor of the new party movement. Mr. Higginson was opposed to the whole movement, believing it to be uncalled for and unpractical. Messrs. Douglass and Foster spoke in answer to Mr. Higginson. AFTERNOON SESSION. In the afternoon, after the reading of the various resolutions before the Convention, Mr. D.D.Draper, of Hopedale, made a speech, opposed to Mr. Foster's position, and in defence of the American Anti-Slavery Society. He criticised Mr. Foster's position as a non-resistant, believing Mr. Foster's theory to be inconsistent with his practice. Mr. J.A. Howland spoke in defence of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and against the anti-slavery construction of the United States Constitution. [[/column 3]]
