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460     DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.     May, 1861.
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the existence of the peasants domiciled on his estates and of his domestics, under mutual advantageous conditions, thereby giving to the country population the example of a faithful and conscientious execution of the regulations of the State.

The numerous examples of the generous solicitude of the proprietors for the welfare of their peasants, and of the gratitude of the latter for the benevolent solicitude of their lords, give us the hope that a mutual understanding will settle the majority of complication, in some cases inevitable, in the partial application of general rules to the different conditions under which isolated estates are placed; that in this manner the transition from the ancient order of things to the new will be facilitated; and that the future will strengthen definitively mutual confidence, a good understanding, and the unanimous impulsion toward public utility.

To render the transactions between the proprietors and the peasants more easy, in virtue of which the latter may acquire in full property their close (enclos, homestead) and the land they occupy, the Government will advance assistance according to a special regulation, by means of loans or a transfer of debts encumbering an estate.

We thus confidently rely upon the upright feeling of the nation.

When the first news of this great reform mediated by the government became diffused among the rural populations, who were scarcely prepared for it, it gave rise in some instances to misunderstandings among individuals more intent upon liberty than mindful of the duties which it imposes.  But generally the good sense of the country has not been wanting.  It has not misunderstood either the inspirations of natural reason, which says that every man who accepts freely the benefits of society owes in return the fulfillment of certain positive obligations; nor the teachings of the Christian law, which enjoins that 'every one be subject unto the higher power,' (St. Paul to the Romans, xiii. 1;) and to 'render to all their dues,' and, above all, to whomsoever it belongs, tribute, custom, respect, and honor.  (Ibid, vii. 5.)  It has understood that the proprietors would not be deprived of rights legally acquired, except for a fit and sufficient indemnity, or by a voluntary concession on their part; that it would be contrary to all equity to accept this enjoyment of the lands conceded by the proprietors without accepting also toward them equivalent charges.

And now we hope with confidence that the freed serfs, in the presence of the new future which is opened before them, will appreciate and recognize the considerable sacrifices which the nobility have made on their behalf.  They will understand that the blessings of an existence supported upon the base of guaranteed property as well as a greater liberty in the administration of their goods, entails upon them, with new duties toward society and themselves, the obligation of justifying the protecting claims of the law by a loyal and judicious use of the rights which are now accorded to them.  For if men do not labor themselves to insure their own well-being under the shield of the laws, the best of those laws cannot guarantee it to them.

It is only by assiduous labor, a rational employment of their strength and their resources, a life constantly inspired by the fear of the Lord, that they can arrive at prosperity, and insure its development.

The authority intrusted with the duty of preparing by preliminary measures the execution of the new organization, and of presiding at its inauguration, will have to see that this work is accomplished with calmness and regularity, taking into account the requirements of the seasons, in order that the cultivator may not be drawn away from his agricultural labors.  Let him apply himself with zeal to those labors, that he may be able to draw from an abundant granary the seed which he has to confide to that land which will be given him for permanent employment, or which he has acquired for himself as his own property.
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And now, pious and faithful people, make upon thy forehead the sacred sign of the cross, and join thy prayers to ours to call down the blessings of the Most High upon thy first free labors, the sure pledge of thy personal well being, and of the public prosperity.

Given at St. Petersburg, the 19th day of February, (March 3,) of the Year of Grace, 1861, and the seventh of our reign.

ALEXANDER.
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THE ANNEXATION OF ST. DOMINGO TO SPAIN 
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REDPATH'S VIEWS ON THE SUBJECT.

James Redpath, a gentleman thoroughly acquainted with this island, has written the following letter to the N.Y. Tribune, which will be found highly interesting to our readers:
 
Sir:--I find in all the dispatches of the Associated Press the following paragraph about Hayti and St. Domingo:

'Great excitement existed in Havana on the subject of the Spanish annexation of St. Domingo.  It appears that during some time past a process of colonization has been going on, by the introduction of large bodies of emigrants into the island, with the view of promoting Spanish interests, and consequent disaffection toward the Republican Government, and, at the first sign of resistance on the part of the native population, to invoke the aid of the Spanish Government.  This was accomplished on the 16th inst., when the Spanish flag was hoisted, much to the consternation of the black and native inhabitants.  The Spanish frigate Blanca was dispatched from Havana on the 23d, immediately on the receipt of the above news, fully armed and equipped, with a large number of regular troops, to assist in this Spanish protectorate, or, in other words, annexation.  The screw steam frigates Petronella and Barengula were to follow as soon as possible with about 5,000 of the regular army.  A large additional naval and military force, including some of the largest war vessels and about 10,000 regular troops, is also reported as on the way from Spain to Cuba and the West Indies.  By an arrangement with France, already consummated, it is said that Hayti is to share the fate of its sister republic.'

This news is capable of an explanation at once truthful and less alarming than the comments of the N. Y. Daily Times, and the letter of your Havana correspondent.

As the vast majority of our citizens know nothing about Hayti and the Dominican Republic, excepting that both are inhabited by people of African descent, it may be necessary to state that the island of St. Domingo, or Hispaniola, or Hayti, is held by two independent nationalities--that of the eastern part being known as the Dominican Republic, or, oftener, St. Domingo, or more frequently the Spanish part; and that of the west (formerly called the French part,) being known as the Republic of Hayti.  In the Dominican Republic, (which has a population of 120,000) the people, who are chiefly mulattoes, talk Spanish, and were formerly subjects of Spain; their ruler is President Santana, a man nearly white, whose sympathies, ideas and tendencies have all and always favored a reunion of his country to the unmotherly mother empire of Spain.  In Hayti, (which has a population variously estimated at from 600,000 to 1,200,000,) the people speak French.  They are the descendants of slaves and of free colored people who succeeded in throwing off the French domination.  Their ruler is President Geffrard, who represents, in his blood, the three original races--Indian, black, and white--and whose earnest aim is to establish a powerful independent nationality, to be exclusively composed of men of African descent.

The eastern part, or the Dominican Republic, was conquered by Toussaint L'Ouverture, having been previously ceded to France by Spain, under the treaty of Basel, but never formally delivered over to that Power.  Toussaint had not quite completed its subjugation when Le Clerc's expedition arrived, and recalled him to the West.  During the war between the Haytians and the French which followed the disembarkment of these troops of Napoleon--who were sent to re-enslave
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the blacks, and were ignominiously defeated in the attempt--the eastern part was again put under the power of Spain, and was thus held till 1821, when a revolution overthrew its authority.

In 1822, the eastern part was united to Hayti, then governed by President Boyer.--For twenty-two years the whole Island acknowledged his authority.  On his overthrow, in 1844, the Dominicans 'seceded,' and no 'reconstruction' with either Spain or Hayti has as yet been effected.

Since the independence of the Dominican Republic, two parties have divided and alternately governed it, whose representative men are Santana and Baez; and the words reunion and independence indicate their respective policies.

Unlike Caesar, Santana would rather be a little man in a great country, than a great man in a little country.  Twice he has formally offered to place the Dominican Republic under the Spanish Crown, and failing in those attempts, he coquetted for a similar purpose with France, and then for a confederate Union with Venezuela.  But none of these Powers would accept his proposals.--France and Spain had been bitten once, and and were satisfied with that experience, and Venezuela did not want to be bitten at all.--His last desperate effort was to induce a white emigration from the United States, but, although seconded by our Consuls there, (whose longer continuance in office will be disgraceful to our Republican Administration,) he signally failed to interest either our capitalists or laborers in the project.

Some years ago--what I say now is drawn from Haytian official sources--Santana borrowed a million of dollars from Spain.  Failing to repay it according to the terms of the loan, he offered to give a mortage on the Custom-Houses.  Last Summer, accordingly, a small band of Spaniards--not more than eighty in all--arrived at St. Domingo, and the three officials among them immediately entered on their duties as Collectors at the ports.  The rest were mechanics.  That is all the 'emigration' that has been sent to the Dominican Republic by Spain.  There has been a small emigration from South America, but this tide, with its flux and reflux, is as old as the independence of the Spanish Colonies; for, whenever there is a revolution in Venezuela or the adjoining countries, numbers of the banished seek a home in the Dominican Republic.

This policy of Santana furnished the material for creating an effective union among the opposition to his Government.  'See! he is selling his country to the whites!'  Even as early as last December, revolutionary circulars and proclamations were in type in St. Domingo; and a copy of the proofs, I know, were shown to a distinguished Embassador at Paris.  But this project was nipped in the bud; and Baez is still in exile.  The intrigues of the opposition continuing and increasing, Santana has called for aid--first, in order to secure the perpetuity of his own Government, and secondly to enable him to repay the loan.

This, I venture to say, is the 'sum total of the whole' hubbub that we hear from Havana.

These facts being unknown to the Reporters of the Associated Press and the Cuba correspondents, it is not astonishing that they should surmise (for it is given only as a supposition) that France would next seize Hayti, as they think that Spain has seized the Dominican Republic.  The notion that the Haytians would then be re-enslaved would be quite pathetic if it was not quite absurd.

There are various reasons why France will never threaten Hayti--among them, these: 

She has recognized the Independence of Hayti.

She draws a large revenue from Hayti, payment for recognizing that independence;

She is bound by treaty to defend Hayti against all foreign attacks; and--lastly,

She could not attack Hayti without declaring war against England.

I might add to these reasons two others:
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