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AUGUST, 1861.     DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.     511

EXTRACT FROM THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE

The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession.  They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession as they insist it exists in ours.  If they have discarded it they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours.  If they have retained it by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object.—The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure.

If all States save one should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights; but suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the others from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do.  These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of minorities.  They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself, "We, the People."

It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of disunion.  There is much reason to believe that the Union men are in the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded States.—The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them.  It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment.  At such an election all that large class who are, at once, for the Union, and against coercion, would be coerced to vote against the Union.

It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers, and improved the condition of our whole people beyond any example in the world.  Of this we now have a striking and impressive illustration.  So large an army as the Government has now on foot, was never before known, without a soldier in it but who had taken his place there of his own free choice.  But more than this: there are many single regiments, whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world, and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer the Government itself!  Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much better the reason why the Government, which has conferred such benefits on both them and us, should not be broken up.  Whoever, in any section proposes to abandon such a Government, would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he does it—what better he is likely to get in its stead—whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give so much good to the people.  There are some foreshadowings on this subject.  Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence, in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, "all men are created equal."  Why?  They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States."  Why?  Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people?

This is essentially a people's contest.  On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men; to lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the path of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and fair chance in the race of life.  Yielding to partial and temporary departures from necessity, this is the leading object of the Government for whose existence we contend.

I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this.  It is worthy of note that, while in this the Government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored with the offices, have resigned, and proved false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag.

Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor and most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers and common sailors.  To the last man, so far as known, they have resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands an hour before they obeyed as absolute law.  This is a patriotic instinct of plain people.  They understand, without an argument, that the destroying the Government which was made by Washington means no good to them.

Our popular Government has often been called an experiment.  Two points in it our people have already settled—the successful establishing and the successful administering of it.  One still remains—its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it.  It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal except to ballots themselves, at succeeding elections.  Such will be a great lesson of peace, teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take by war—teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war.

Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the Government towards the Southern States, after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no more definite understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Government, relatively to the rights of the States and the people under the Constitution, than that expressed in the Inaugural Address.
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ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING AND PIC-NIC IN ROCHESTER.

The Abolition celebration of our National Independence was held at Gregory's Grove, a little south of this city.  A large number of persons were present.  Mr. BENJAMIN FISH of this city was President of the meeting.—Able and eloquent speeches were made in the forenoon by Mr. PARKER PILLSBURY and Mr. G. B. STEBBINS, and in the afternoon by Mr. PILLSBURY.  The following resolutions were adopted:

Resolved, That in the highest and most solemn sense of the words, we believe that 'all men are created equal;' and on this day, eighty-five years from their first promulgation, we have met to demand their full and unqualified recognition by the American people.

Resolved, That the object of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and its auxillaries, associated or unassociated, is, 'the entire abolition of slavery in the United States,' as 'a heinous crime in the sight of God.'

Resolved, That the doctrines and measures on which the Abolitionists have chiefly relied, are 'the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption—the destruction of error by the potency of truth—the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love—and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance.'

Resolved, That in the earnest and constant prosecution of our work, we have seen, as one result, the complete overthrow of the two most powerful political parties ever formed in America, both of which were the sworn allies of slavery; and but for our action on the national heart and conscience, might have held the political arena to-day, undisturbed by any rival organization.

Resolved, That the work of the true Abolitionists is not done, or materially affected by any change whatever in the government, so long as it recognizes slavery as an institution to be protected and prolonged, instead of execrated and exterminated.

Resolved, That slavery is a National and Northern, as well as Southern crime; and the North cannot wash away its participation in it, in the blood of its Southern accomplices, however constitutional it may be to compel the seceded States back to their allegiance, and to restore the public property, so treacherously as well as felonously seized by them.

Resolved, That slavery, and the agitation of the Abolitionists for its overthrow, are indeed the only causes of the present fearful hostility between the North and the South—illustrating the 'irrepressible conflict' doctrine, once so boldly enunciated, both by Secretary Seward and President Lincoln; and fulfilling the prophecy of the anti-slavery movement for thirty years, that slavery and slaveholders would rule the nation, while it was possible, and ruin when they could no longer rule.

Resolved, That slavery being the grand cause of our present National calamity, a true statesmanship and enlightened patriotism must dictate its immediate and entire overthrow.

Resolved, That the necessity for such a measure is not only becoming every day more and more apparent for the successful prosecution of the present encounter, but is also most obviously the demand of the great multitude of the people of the North.

Resolved, That the shameful return of slaves to their masters, who sought protection in Fortress Monroe, and our other military posts, without even the forms of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the still more shameful imprisonment of them in Washington jail, till they can be reclaimed and remanded, and the constant pledgings of our army officers to suppress insurrection among the slaves, show how undeserving the North is of success, and what danger there is of failure and defeat, under the displeasure of that God, who, Jefferson declared, 'has no attribute in his character that can take sides with oppressors against the oppressed.'

Resolved, That the opinion of John Quincy Adams, and the hitherto unquestioned precedents of other governments, as well as our own, in former periods, prove conclusively that slavery may be lawfully abolished at the present moment by Presidential proclamation or act of Congress.

Resolved, That in our judgment such a step is both the will of the people and the voice of God; and should our to-day-assembling Congress listen to any proposal of compromise, conciliation or accommodation favorable to slavery, it would be the signal for a new outburst of righteous Northern indignation, which would hurl the Government at Washington, along with the Southern slave power, to a swift and well-deserved destruction.

Resolved, That we believe with Wendell Phillips, (or at least hope,) that the present contest 'means either Emancipation or Disunion;' if the former, we shall hail it as a sure harbinger of millenial peace, prosperity and honor to the whole of our vast country; if the latter, then will we hope for a glorious Northern Confederacy of States, whose whole soil shall be sacred to impartial freedom; whose schools shall be Wisdom; whose Government shall be Justice; and whose Religion and Worship shall be Charity and Love.
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TERMS OF DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.

Single Copies, to American subscribers, $1 per year.
" " [[dittos for: Single Copies,]] to British " [[ditto for: subscribers,]] 5s. sterling.

Subscriptions must be paid for invariably in advance. 

All communications, whether on business or for publication, should be addressed to

FREDERICK DOUGLASS, ROCHESTER, N.Y.

AGENTS IN GREAT BRITAIN.

We take the liberty of using the names of the following gentlemen who will receive names and subscriptions for Douglass' Monthly in Great Britain:

Halifax—Rev. RUSSELL LANT CARPENTER, Milton Place; Rev. Dr. CROFTS, North Parade.
London—Mr. L. A CAMEROVZOW, Anti-Slavery Office, 27, New Broad Street, E.C.
Dublin—Mr. WM. WEBB, 52, High Street, and 8, Dunville Avenue, Rathmines.
Derby—Dr. SPENCER T. HALL, Burton Road.
Glasgow—Mr. JOHN SMITH, 173, Trongate.
Leeds—Mr. ARTHUR HOLLAND, 4, Park Row.
Newcastle-on-Tyne—Mr. WALTER S. PRINGLE.
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NOW READY,

SERMONS AND SPEECHES BY HON. GERRIT SMITH; containing his Six Sermons on the Religion of Reason, and three of his recent Speeches—one of them delivered lately on the War.  Price 50 cents.

For sale by ROSS & TOUSEY,
No. 121 Nassau-st., New York.

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