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for the^[["]]city manager^[["?]] was also the demonstration leader, and major decisions affecting the City were often made outside, by Campaign leaders. [[margin]] ^[[TIE CHARS ETC. TO TEXT BETTER (NO, REFERENCES?)]] [[/margin]] The charts which describe the operational communications for the City and those for demonstrations are, like other charts here, averages of conditions across time. The City was always in flux, and the charts cannot show specific conditions of a single day, but rather they show approximations of conditions across many days. In addition, except for the charts in the section about "change", little weight is given to conditions during the first week or two when considerable building was occurring, and when much of the development of the City was being directed by coordinators and advisors, some from outside the Campaign. Some of the connections in the operational communications were only tenuous, and these are shown with dotted lines. Those between the national Campaign leaders and the leaders of the Mexican-Americans, for example, were never strong. In fact, the Mexican-Americans never lived in the City, nor went to the same demonstrations, nor issued the same demands. Both a broken line and a solid line are shown connecting the Campaign leaders and the city manager. In a sense, more lines of each kind should be shown between the two, for the Campaign leaders operated as a loose committee which allowed its members to develop individual connections of varying strengths to the [[underlined]]city manager [[/underlined]] and, often, to the services of the City, as well [[margin]] ^[[MORE BACKGROUND ON ROLE OF THIS GUY?]] [[margin]] Some very cohesive groups had their own very strong organization. This 3
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