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SEPTEMBER, 1861. DOUGLASS' MONTHLY. 519 that 'hundreds of thousands of your (our) brethren (Democratic brethren) have taken up arms' against it. This boast is your virtual admission that the rebels had suffered no wrongs which justified them in seeking any other than a peaceful redress. Never that I am aware had they suffered any wrong whatever at the hands of Government, always excepting the very great wrong of being allowed to have things their own way. Emphatically true is it that the South is our partial Government's spoiled child. And no less true is it that the North is now suffering the severe penalty of having permitted and encouraged the Government to spoil it. A sword in one hand and a bribe in the other! We can never conquer in this wise. Possibly we might were our foe like ourselves. But neither of his hands bears messages of peace. Both are busy in dealing out death. And not only does he scorn to propose compromises, but as utterly and openly does he scorn to accept them. How exceedingly disingenuous in this light is your attempt, and is every other attempt to make an issue with the uncompromising enemies of the Rebellion by proposing compromises! You know perfectly well that there can be no compromises. Nevertheless you continue to urge them. I will not say with the purpose—though it certainly is with no other effect than to divide and destroy us. What boots it that we are two of three times as numerous as the enemy, and have ten times his wealth, if we are divided and he united?—if whilst with him all speak one language there are with us numberless lips, pens and presses that speak for him? Secession regiments allowed to march daily thro' Baltimore would not be as dangerous to our cause as are her Secession presses. And similar is the danger of such presses in New York. The regiments could be watched and controlled; but the demoralizing influence of the presses cannot be hindered from going over the whole land. These presses plead their constitutional rights! But just as sure as that the Southern conspirators, who have flung away the Constitution and armed themselves against it and the nation, have no constitutional rights, so sure is it that they, who remain among us and yet identify themselves with the conspirators, have no constitutional rights. There is not another nation on the earth, which would accord rights to persons in the circumstances of the conductors of these presses: and this nation must either cease from such spurious and suicidal liberality, or cease to live. The Constitution was not intended to afford protection to those who help on bloody war against itself and its loyal subjects. But what if there are Constitutional or other laws which seem to give shelter to such traitors? The necessities of war, among which there is scarcely one more urgent than the suppression of newspapers that are in the interest of the enemy, rise high above all wars. May the mob suppress them? No—but the War Power may. That power, which has right to break up a bridge when in its judgment the measure is called for, has right under the same condition to break up a press. But this you will say is to recognize in the War Power the boundlessness of despotic power. Admitted. And the nation which, in a war for its very existence, hesitates at such recognition, exhibits more of the harmlessness of child's play than of the terrible earnestness of war. What makes our comparatively small foe so effective?— It is that the South is so earnest and so wise as to leave her War Power untrammeled, and entirely free to use all the means of the South and to use them as it will. This wicked war would soon have been ended had our Government or, in other words, our War Power, felt the like liberty. Very different would have been the present condition of things if the Northern Government had felt the same liberty as the Southern to use black men.— Whilst the South is wholly and hotly determined to maintain Southern slavery and kill Northern liberty, the North is half-heartedly in the work of maintaining both. The newspapers say that our Government has invited Garibaldi to take part in this impracticable and ridiculous work. It cannot be true. For though our Government may feel bound to pursue this wretched policy of going for liberty and slavery, it could never be guilty of insulting that grand Soldier of Freedom by inviting him to identify himself, his magnificent fortunes and his world-wide fame, with this wretched policy. Our Government will never invite Garibaldi to take part with it until it shall have risen to the purpose of conquering the enemy by whatever means. Not till then will he consent to take part with it. By the way, is there not some danger that if the North shall continue her present unfriendly and contemptuous attitude towards the four and a half millions of Northern and Southern blacks, this attitude will, especially when combined with Southern professions and promises, have the effect to bring this mighty element into a sincere, and as appalling as sincere, identification with our foe? Is it a wonder that every step of Jefferson Davis is confident and defiant, and that so many of Abraham Lincoln's are timid and hesitating? It is not. For whilst Jefferson Davis represents a people of one heart and one purpose, Abraham Lincoln is obliged to pause and calculate how far and how fast such men as you and the masses you influence will let him go. Unhappy man!—for whilst the other President is cheered and strengthened by the entire devotion to his cause of all around him, our President is under the constant and withering remembrance that it will depend upon his success in conciliating the enemy at home whether the country will be able to conquer its other and less dangerous enemy. Simpleton that I was for believing that the shots at Fort Sumter would turn all the Republicans, yes and all the Democrats into Americans, and thus make the war a very short one! Having never worn the chains nor experienced the debauchment of party, I was ignorant how hard it is to break the one or get cured of the other. You profess to be in favor of 'the vigorous prosecution of the war.' Of course you do. For the people are; and to get influence with them you must make them believe that you are. But there is only one way for you to be what you profess to be at this point.— It is to help the Government carry on the war. But you point to 'the hundreds of thousands' of Democrats in the army to prove that you are helping the Government carry it on. In vain!—for this only proves that they are helping—not that you are. All honor to these 'hundreds of thousands!' and all dishonor to you! Deeply do you wrong them, insultingly do you degrade them by identifying yourselves with them. In this dark hour of our country are they, like you, against its Government? No, they are fighting for it. Or do they, like you, refuse to cooperate with Republicans for the salvation of the country? No—God bless them! they rise far above such meanness and wickedness, and stand shoulder to shoulder with Republicans. I cannot affirm that you will not succeed in bringing over the Democratic masses to your guilty ground. But I can affirm that you do not represent them now. You do not fail to extol the Constitution. Of course not. Messrs. Breckinridge, May, Burnett, Vallandigham do not. For the politician not to extol it when his purpose is to gain something from Americas, would betray as great a lack of cunning as would the omission of the hypocrite to commend the Bible when he would gain something from Christians. But, gentlemen, I trust an indignant public will teach you that the present is not the proper time for turning men's minds from the Country to the Constitution—from their urgent duties amidst the appalling necessities of the one to their composed study of the requirements and their prolongued admiration of the merits of the other. It is but a poor sort of philanthropy, which distresses itself over the great value of the clothes that the drowning man is carrying with him to the bottom. Very unseasonable is the reading of the 'Rules of the Hotel' to its inmates, when the hotel is on fire. But no more so than to remind Americans of the Rules of the Federal Constitution, when the rebels are at their throats. I do not expose myself to the charge of making light of the Constitution by setting the country above it. For much more have I written, and much more have I spoken for it than has any other Democrat living or dead. And it is not for parts of the Constitution that I have written and spoken—but for every line and letter of it. And I have not dishonored the Constitution and it authors by admitting it to be necessary to go outside of it for proof of its meaning. But I have honored both by insisting that it is its own sufficient interpreter. The cry of 'The Constitution! The Constitution!!' is at once the most hypocritical and mischievous of all the cries with which treason is filling the land. Our Government is earnestly and honestly intent on saving the nation: and it is for the life of the nation that our Government be confided in and sustained. Whoever then seeks to weaken its bonds is a traitor. But of the most wicked and effective form of treason are they guilty who, taking advantage of the popular idolatry of the Constitution, unsettle the popular confidence in the Government by charging it with disregard of the Constitution. I hope, gentlemen, that you are not traitors. But if you are not, then are you greatly to be pitied for so strongly seeming to be what you are not. If you are not more concerned to conquer the Republican party than to conquer the rebels, then never did any men's attitude more belie their spirit. That your purpose is to inspire your party with the deepest distrust of the Government is too obvious for even you to deny. That your success in this world complete the ruin of your country you may not see. Nevertheless you would see it, were you not blinded by party zeal. I think you will not succeed. I think you will not be able to carry with you the county and town leaders of your party, much less the party itself. Strong as is the partisan spirit in your party, I think the spirit of patriotism in it is stronger. I believe you will not be able to rally an Opposition party at the North. As there is but one party at the South, so there will be but one at the North. All the South is for the Rebellion, and all the North will be against it. I believe that the Government will stand, and that you will fall. I believe that the Democratic as well as the Republican party will consent to postpone the prosecution of party purposes, and the gratification of party predilections, until the Rebellion shall be conquered, and the country shall be safe. That done, and I shall be as willing to see each party go its own way, as I shall be glad to see all the wrongs of the South (if there are any) abundantly redressed, when she shall have ceased from her Conspiracy and laid down her arms. But a curse on the party that raises its head before the war is ended. And not one word of peace, nor one leaf of the olive-branch, nor one concession however small to the rebels so long as they are rebels. Much as they are worth, and they are worth much because they are our fellow men, the Government and the nation are worth vastly more: and both Government and nation will perish if there shall be the slightest stooping to those who are in arms against both. You would have it understood that the Republican party would consent to 'the separation of the States.' I confess that I preferred such separation, if peaceful, to war. But the Republican party has never proposed it.— There is not one Republican in one hundred who would consent to it. Moreover, there are ten Democrats who would, where there is one Republican who would. I have not failed to notice that in your Call of the Convention you too put party below patriotism. But in vain is it that you do so. 'Actions speak louder than words.' - Never, after you declined the generous No-Party Proposition of the Republicans, has it
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