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570 DOUGLASS' MONTHLY. DEDEMBER, 1861 [[horiz line across page]] [[start 1/3 columns]] The President's Message. [[short horiz line]] We have delayed the publication of our paper several days in order to lay before our readers President LINCOLN'S Annual Message. We print the document as transmitted by telegraph, and there are, no doubt, many material blunders contained in it which could not be avoided, not having a corrected copy to set from. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: In the midst of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual health and abundant harvests. You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our domestic affairs. A disloyal portion of the American people have been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. The nation which endures factious domestic divisions is exposed to disrespect abroad, and one party or both is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to interfere, are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although the measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to hose adopting them. The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected. If it were just to suppose as the insurgents have seemed to assume that foreign nations in this case discarding all moral and social and treaty obligations would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations seem as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a second argument could be made to show them they can reach their view more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion, than by giving encouragement to it. The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostilities against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce.—Those nations, however, not improbably, saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic commerce. they can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for division produces the existing difficulty and that one strong nation promises more durable peace, and more extensive valuable and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into fragments. It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign States, because whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon them, but upon the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the American people.—The correspondence itself, with the usual reservation, is herewith submitted. I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and liberality toward foreign powers; averting causes of irritation, and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other State, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defences on every side, while under this general recommendation provision for defending our coast line readily occurs to the mind. I also, in the same connection, ask attention to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions with harbor and navigational improvements at well selected points upon these, would be of great importance to their natural defence and preservation. I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War expressed in his report upon the same [[end column]] [[start 2/3 columns]] general subjects. I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina be connected with Kentucky and other faithful parts of theUnion by railroad. I therefore recommend as a military measure that Congress provide for the construction of such road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate and through her Legislature make a judicious selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect with out existing railroads, and whether the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line in the direction of Knoxville, or on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the general Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in the future. Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interest of commerce, and having no grave political importance, have been negotiated and will be submitted to the Senate. Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all the obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence. I invite your attention to the correspondence between Her Britanic Majesty's Minister, accredited to this government, and the Secretary of State, relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire, in June last, by the U.S. steamer Massachusetts, for a supposed breach of the blockage. As the detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of facts, as justice requires that we should permit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel, for her detention. I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in December last, in regard to the disposition of the surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American citizens against China, pursuant to the award of Commissioners under the act of 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the principal over the proceeds of the surplus referred to in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction of other just claims of our citizens against China, as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that empire. By the act of the 5th of August last, Congress authorized the President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against, and to capture pirates.—This authority has been exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me it would be advisable to authorize commanders of sailing vessels to re-capture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, and the consular courts established by law in Eastern countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that his should not be objected to by local authorities. If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding recognition of the independence and soverignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discover it. But unwilling however to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them, without the approbation of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for retaining a charge d' affaires near each of those State. It does not admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them. The operations of the Treasury during the period which has elapsed since you adjourned, have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the Government the large sum demanded by national exigencies. Much of the national loan has been taken by industrial classes whose faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from its present peril, have induced them to contribute to the support of the gov- [[end column]] [[start 3/3 columns]] ernment the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. The revenue from all sources, including loans for the financial year ending on June 20th, 1861, was $86,835,900 27, and the expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of public debt were $84,578,034 47, leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of July of $2,257,065 80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending September 30th, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the balance of July 1st from $102,532,509 27, and the expenses $98,239,733 09, leaving a balance October 1st 1861 of $4,292,776 18. The estimates for the remaining three-fourths of the year and for the financial year of 1862, together with his views of the ways and means for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenses made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far sustained the government, will continue to sustain it till peace and Union shall again bless the land. I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War, for information respecting the numerical strength of the army, and for recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the various branches of service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field. I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. The recommendation of the Secretary, for the organization of the militia upon a uniform basis, is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress. The large addition to the regular army in connection with the defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, give peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the military academy. By mere omission I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for the hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice and is introduced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also, the form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the time and respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully therein ever since. I therefore, recommend that they be compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the regular army. I further suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals as well as regiments. The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have characterized its administration, and the results of measure to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions by construction and purchase that is may almost be said a navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties commenced. Besides blockading our extensive coasts, squadrons larger than ever before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which have increased our naval renown. I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary, for a more perfect organization of the navy, by introducing additional grades in the service. The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the suggestions submitted will, it is believed, obviate the difficulties alluded to, and increase the efficiency of the navy. There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court—two by the decease of Justices Daniels and McLean, and one by the resignation of Justice Campbell. I have so
