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840      DOUGLASSS' MONTHLY    JUNE, 1863
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try.  (Cheers.)  He cannot be throwing impediments all the time in the way of the progress of his country, under pretence that he is helping some other portion of his country.  If a man thinks he must do something to bring back his 'erring brethren,' if he likes that form of phrase for the South, let him take his musket, and go down and try it in that way.  (Cheers.)  If he is still of a different opinion, and thinks that is not the best way to bring them back, but he can do it by persuasion and talk, let him go down with me to Louisiana, and I will send him over to Mississippi, and if the rebels do not feel for his heart-strings, bur not in love, I will bring him back. (Cheers, loud and prolonged.  'Send Wood down first!')  Let us say to him: 'Choose ye this day whom ye will serve.  If the Lord be 
God, serve him; but if Baal, serve him.'  (Cheers.)  But no man can serve two masters, God and Mammon.  ('That's so.') * * *

Who is interfering with the Constitution?  Who makes any attacks upon the Constitution?  We are fighting with those who have gone out and repudiated the Constitution.  (Cheers.)  And now, my friends, I do not know but I shall utter heresy; but as a Democrat, as an Andrew Jackson Democrat, I am not for the Union as it was.  (Great cheering.  'Good! good!')  I say, as a Democrat, and an Andrew Jackson Democrat, I am not for the Union to be again as it was.  Understand me; I was for the Union to be again as it was, because I saw, or thought I saw, the troubles in the future which have burst upon us; but having undergone these troubles, having spent all this blood and this treasure, I do not mean to go back again, and be cheek by jowl with South Carolina as I was before, if I can help it.  (Cheers. 'You're right.')  Mark me now, let no man misundertand me, and I repeat it lest I may be misunderstood——there are none so slow to understand as they who do not want to——mark me, I say, I do not
[[text obscured by fold in paper]] South Carolina.  If I had been  alive at that time, and had had the position, the will, and the ability, I would have dealt with South Carolina as Jackson did, and kept her in the Union at all hazards; but now she has gone out, I will take care that when she comes in again, she comes in better behaved (cheers); that she shall no longer be the firebrand of the Union; aye, that she shall enjoy what her people never yet have enjoyed, the blessings of a Republican form of government.  (Applause.)  And therefore, in that view, I am not for the reconstruction of the Union as it was.  Yet I have spent treasure and blood enough upon it, in conjunction with my fellow-citizens, to make it a little better.  (Cheers.)  It was good enough if it had been left alone.  The old house was good enough for me, but as they have pulled down all the L part, I purpose, when we build it up, to build it up with all the modern improvements.  (Prolonged laughter and applause.) * * *

What shall be done with the slaves?  Here, again, the laws of war have long settled, with clearness and exactness, that it is for the conqueror, for the government which has maintained or extended its direction over the territory, to deal with the slaves as it pleases, to free them or not as it chooses.  It is not for the conquered to make terms, or to send their friends into the conquering country to make terms upon that subject.  (Applause.)  Another corollary follows from the proposition that we are fighting with alien enemies, which relieves us from another difficulty which seems to trouble some of my old Democratic friends; and that is in relation to the question of arming the negro slaves.  If the States are alien enemies, is there any objection that you know of, and if so, state it, to our arming one portion of the foreign country against the other while they are fighting us?  (Applause, and cries of 'No, no.')  Suppose that we were at war with England.  Who would get up here in New York and say that we must not arm the Irish, lest they should hurt some of the English?  (Applause.)  At one time, not very far gone, all those Englishmen were [[?]] grandfathers' brothers.  But we are now [[?ate]] nations.  There can be no objection,
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for another reason, because there is no international law or any other law of governmental action that I know of which prevents the country from arming any portion of its citizens; and if the slaves do not take part in the rebellion, they become simply our citizens residing in our territory which is at present usurped by our enemies.  (Applause.)

There is one question I am frequently asked: 'Well, General Butler, what is your experience?   Will the negroes fight?'  To that I answer, I have no personal experience, because I left the Department of the Gulf before they were fairly brought into action.  But they did fight under Jackson, at Chalmette.  More than that.  Let Napoleon III. answer. who has hired them to do what the veterans of the Crimea cannot do——to whip the Mexicans.  Let the veterans of Napoleon I. under Le Cleve, who were whipped out from San Domingo, say whether they will fight or not.  What has been the demoralizing effect upon them as a race by their contact with white men, I know not; but I cannot forget that their fathers would not have been slaves, but that they were captives in war.  And if you want to know any more than that, I can only advise you to try them.  (Great applause.)
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MEETING AT SHILOH CHURCH.
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A meeting was held on Monday evening, April 20th, at Shiloh church, to hear an address by the distinguished orator, Frederick Douglass, on the war.

The meeting was called to order by Mr. Rob. Hamilton, who nominated the Rev. Henry H. Garnet for chairman, who was unanimously elected.  Mr. Martin Wells and Mr. Edgar M. Ambleman were chosen Secretaries.

The chairman came forward and stated the call of the meeting and also announced that he received a telegram from Mr. Douglass, dated [[lines obliterated by fold and tear]]  From some unknown circumstance, Mr. Douglass did not arrive, but the chairman was happy to see before him, among the audience, many able gentlemen whom he thought were equally competent, under the circumstances to entertain the assembly.

The chairman took great pleasure in introducing Mr. Anderson, a staunch, tried and venerable friend to the cause of human liberty.  Mr. Anderson, a noble looking, silvery-haired gentleman, arose in his seat and very briefly spoke of his experience in the cause of British West-India emancipation, and encouraged our people to persevere in the great cause of American emancipation.

After commenting and corroborating the remarks of the preceding speaker from his own knowledge of the facts thus related, the chairman introduced Mr. John V. Givens, who was greeted with hearty applause, and spoke at some length from practical observations of the war, which he made while in Virginia and Maryland.  He also strongly favored the enlistment of colored men to fight for their country, for themselves and for their posterity.  Mr. G. proved, by clear and forcible arguments, that the black man can fight.

The chairman arose and said that he did not arise to speak entirely in support of the remarks of the able and eloquent advocate on the enlistment of colored men.  "Now," said he, "I wish to know what have black men to fight for in this war?  What does a soldier fight for?  He fights principally for three things:  love of country, promotion on the field, and for honor.  What, then, has the black man to fight for?  Under the present call of the President, a colored soldier cannot be promoted higher than a captain, a mere company officer.  Are these encouragements for colored men to enlist?  But I believe that if they will put a black Major-General in the field, there would be thousands of men of black skins flocking around him.  But do not call the black man a coward.  If he will not fight, it is because he has not justice done him.  Do him justice, give him a chance equal with a white soldier, and he will show you how he can fight.
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Mr. Garnet concluded by inviting any gentleman present, who desired to speak on this question, to come and employ the opportunity, but none coming forward, he requested Mr. Abbott to play on the organ "God save the Queen," in honor of our distinguished and venerable friend, Mr. Anderson, a subject of Her Majesty's realm.  After which the meeting dispersed.——Anglo-African.
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ENTHUSIASTIC GATHERING OF THE COLORED MEN.---ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL FREMONT.
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From the Washington Republican, March 18th.

The colored people of the District extended an enthusiastic reception to the delegates of the 'Fremont Legion' of Poughkeepsie, New York, who arrived here a day or two since for the purpose of tendering the services of this legion to the Government.  The meeting was held at the Third Baptist Church (colored), and was largely attended.

After several speeches from different persons the following resolution was then adopted:

Resolved, That we will promptly rospond to the call of our President and rally to the support of the Union by marching to the battle-field as a unit.

The Rev. Dr. Gloucester, chairman of the delegation, then gave an interesting account of the interview of the delegation with the President and Gen. Fremont, by both of whom they were cordially received.

The following are the addresses which were presented to President Lincoln and also to Gen. Fremont:

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT.

POUGHKEEPSIE, Feb. 28, 1863.

Your Excellency, Mr. President:

We, the sons of Freedom, take the liberty of addressing you, through our loyal, patriotic, and tried friend of the slave and Union——thanking you for proclaiming liberty to the suffering millions of our oppressed fellow countrymen, whose groans have ascended to that God who is our refuge and help in time of trouble.  We prayed for a deliverer likened unto Moses; for it is said the stone shall cry out of the wall, and the beams of the timber shall answer it; believing that our prayer has been answered, and that God has raised up your Excellency as a deliverer, and a lamp by which our feet are guided into the paths of liberty.  The cause which you have espoused is the cause of human liberty, formidable to tyrants and dear to the oppressed throughout the world; containing the elements of immortality; sublime as heaven, and as far-reaching as eternity; embracing every interest that appertains to the welfare of the bodies and souls of men, and sustained by the Omnipotence of the Lord Almighty.

The proclamation issued by your Excellency, January 1st, 1863, making liberty paramount to slavery, the triumphs of truth over error, liberty over oppression, loyalty over treason and rebellion, republicanism over aristocracy; for the triumphs of these principles our fathers fought and died on Lake Erie, Champlain, upon the Mediterranean, Florida, Schuylkill, Hickory-ground, at New Orleans, at Horse Shoe Bend, Pensacola, Red Bank.  Liberty was the sound that rallied our fathers:  they adopted the sentiment of our brother, Patrick Henry, which was, 'forbid it Almighty God:  I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death.'  We are ready to follow the example of our fathers, and rally to our country's call.

We have been called cowards.  We deny the charge.  It is false.  We, through our delegate, offer the service of ten thousand of the sable sons, called the Fremont Legion, to be led to the field of battle; and our motto is: 'The Union——one and inseparable.'  We hope, therefore, that your Excellency will accept the service of the Fremont Legion.  For which we humbly pray.

ISAAC DEYER, President.
REV. JOHN WELLES,
GEORGE ROCK,
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Transcription Notes:
Italics notations omitted per Smithsonian instructions words "Go on appear in fold and tear section; first word in fold and tear section starts out Roc