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756 DOUGLASS' MONTHLY. December 1862 [[line]] [[3 columns]] [[column 1]] moral and political considerations from his utterances, he does this not because he is destitute of moral or political feeling against slavery but because he knows that he is speaking in the character of a military commander, not as a philanthropist or civil ruler. He doubtless apprehended and not without cause, that those who now condemn him for not placing his opposition to slavery on higher ground than military necessity, would branded him as a hypocrit, if he had done just what he is now condemned for not doing. -- It would have been said that Lincoln assumes the guise of philanthropy in order to inflict injury and dismay upon his enemies who have proved too strong for him in the battle field. But a far better answer than we are able to write to this and similar objections and criticisms, is given in a late number of the West Minister Review by Mr. J. Stewart Mill. -- He truly says: "The North fights for the Union, but the Union under conditions which deprive the Slave Power of its pernicious ascendency. -- People talk as if to support the existing Constitution were synonymous with altogether abandoning emancipation, and 'giving guarantees to Slavery.' Nothing of the sort. The Constitution guarantees Slavery against nothing but the interference of Congress to legislate for the legally constituted Slave States. Such legislation, in the opinion equally of North and South, is neither the only, or the best nor most effectual mode of getting rid of Slavery. The North may, indeed, be driven to it; and, in the opinion of near observers is moving rapidly toward that issue. -- Mr. Russel, in his letters to The Times, was constantly reiterating that the war would before long, become an Abolition war; and Mr. Dicey, the latest traveler in America who has published his impressions, and whose book should be in every one's hand, says that this predicted consummation is now rapidly drawing near, though the conviction becoming general in the North, that Slavery and the Union are incompatible. But the Federal Government was bound to keep within the Federal Constitution; and what, that could be done against Slavery consistently with the Constitution, has it left undone? The District of Columbia was constitutionally under the authority of Congress; Congress have abolished Slavery in that District, granting compensation. They have offered liberal pecuniary assistance to any Slave State which will take measures for either immediately or gradually emancipating its slaves. They have admitted Western Virginia into the Union as a State, under a provision that all children born after a certain day of 1863 shall be born free. They have concluded a treaty with England for the better suppression of the slave trade, conceding, what all former American Governments have so obstinately resisted, the right of search. And what is more important than all, they have, by a legislative act, prohibited Slavery in the Territories. No human being can hence-forth be held in bondage in any possession of the United States which has not yet been erected into a State. A barrier is thus set to all further extension of the legal erea of Slavery within the dominion of the United States. These things have the United States done, in opposition to the opinion of the Border States which are still true to their allegiance, at the risk of irretrievably offending those States, and deciding them to go over to the enemy. What could the party now dominant in the United States have done more, to prove the sincerity of its aversion to Slavery, and its purpose to get rid of it by all lawful means? If there is any flaw in this argument it is in the admission that the Constitution guarantees slavery against the interference of Congress to legislate for the legally constituted slave States. We have read the Constitution carefully and often but have been wholly unable to find any [[/column 1]] [[column 2]] such guarantee ; but on the contrary, have found, as Patrick Henry found, when the Constitution was framed ample power given under it whereby slavery could be abolished in all the States by the Federal Government. We have too often argued this question in the columns of this Journal to make it necessary to discuss it further now, especially also, as the present measure for Emancipation is based up on principles and applications of the Constitution which are dormant in a state of peace. In the conflict now proceeding between the North and South our transatlantic friends, should use the telescope as well as the microscope, and determine which side upon the whole, is the side of freedom and progress, and once ascertaining this, give their solid and undivided support, to that, leaving to its enemies the work of finding objections. Mr. Carpenter, has a judicial turn of mind. He looks on both sides, of all questions that come before him and sometimes states the case of the criminal so well, as to make him appear about as innocent as his accusser. Any one reading the article before us, without knowing as we know the write, might upon first blush, class him with those in England who have from the first, refused to see that the North has any more right than the South to claim the sympathy and moral support of the British press and people, but such a conclusion would be intirely inconsistent with his life and character, and with the eminent service he has hitherto rendered the cause of freedom in America both by voice and pen. We see in his pungent criticisms on Lincoln's Proclamation and the general attitude of the North, and earnest love of justice, a hearty contempt and detestation for meanness, and a determination that whatever influence he possesses in this, a in all other matters, shall be employed, in support of unalloyed honor an truth. [[line]] DELAY IN PUBLISHING OUT NUMBER FOR DECEMBER. [[line]] Owing to the probable discusion in his annual message, of what shall be the policy of the Government hereafter, in regard to the momentous question of Emancipation, and the deep and wide spread interest, justly felt at home and abroad, concerning that vital policy, we have deemed it due to the occasion and especialy to our readers in the other countries, to delay the publication of our December number tell we could insert this message in its columns. The message though by no means so lengthy as many other of the same class of papers, necessarily excludes from our columns much that we should have been glad of an opportunity of saying at this juncture concerning our November Elections, the removal of McClellan, the movements of our armies, the prospects of freedom and the situation of the stupendous conflict now going on between the rebels and the Loyal Government. Want of room, as well as want of time will also prevent our discussing the President's message. Our readers will doubtless give the much looked for document an eager and careful perusal and make up an intelligent judgement as to its character and fitness, and of the results likely to flow form it to the slaves and to this country. [[line]] OBITUARY. [[line]] Died, in Boston on Tuesday, 18th inst., o typhus fever, GERTRUDE, only daughter an [[/column 2]] [[column 3]] child of Mrs. Lucy N. Colmen, of Rochester, N. Y., aged 17 years. In this sudden and sorrowful dispensation, the before widowed, but now desolated mother shares deeply in the sympathy of a wide circle of friends. May He who tempers the wind to the shorn lamb shed around her, in this dark hour, the sunshine of his tenderest love. The deceased had just commenced the study of medicine, and was uncommonly intelligent, mature, and promising for her yeass. "Where is they home, though angel bright? O tell from they rest What beauteous visions fill thy sight? What loves delight they breast? What glories light they home above, To outer sense unknown? And, oh ! what faithful bosoms move In union with thine own? —Liberator. [[line]] THE LATE DANIEL ANTHONY---RESOLUTIONS OF THE BOARD OF UNDERWRITERS. [[line]] At a meeting of the board of Underwriters of the city of Rochester, held on the 28th inst,. the following minutes was adopted and directed to be inserted in the records of the Board, and it was further ordered that a copy be sent to the family of the deceased. The Board of Underwriters of the city of Rochester have learned with sincere regret the death of one of their members, Daniel Anthony, and would express their high estimate of the character of Mr. Anthony as an associate and citizen. His strict integrity, correct business habits, and courteous manners, won for him our confidence and esteem ; and while we shall miss him from our Board and in our business and social relations, we shall ever cherish his remembrance as that of a high-minded, honorable Christian gentleman. L. A. Ward, Pres. W. F. Holmes, Sec. [[line]] LETTER FROM THE OLD WORLD. [[short line]] NUMBER LXXXIV. [[short line]] ILKLEY, September 22, 1862. MY DEAR FRIEND:—We are ruralizing, for a few weeks, in this delightful locality : and climbing these glorious old moors daily, a kind of ramble of which I never tire : I can sympathize strongly with Charlotte Bronte's passion for looking off : as she called it. Our little M.—must feel something of the same kind ; for the other day when we had climbed to the highest attainable point and rambled some miles away ; she said to me: mama "I wish we could stop here always." There was no human being in sight at the time: no human habitation visible, no music audable but the murmering of the mountain streamlet, the purple heathred moors thickly sprinkled with berries and occasionally relieved by patches of bright hellow goss, (or ling) formed over our world : with clear blue skies over head, splended sunshine, blue hills meeting the horizon in the distance, and a gentle breeze of pure air invigorating and refreshing us. The child felt the calm beauty of the scent without knowing it, and with bouyant steps bounded hither and thither, carolling her sensations. One day, (as perfect in weather as an English autumnal day can be) we pursued our upward rambles to Bingley moors, we lost all trace of wharf-dale, and saw a part of the winding valley of aire, its beauty, it must be admitted marred at that point where Bradford smoke arose, but farther on we lost that, and beheld Keighley in the valley. Haworth on the hill, and Willsden, and Bingley backed by hills, moors stretched out in all directions, and at the bottom of the valley the winding river aire pursued its course, a more matter of fact river, it is true than the neighboring foaming [[/column 3]]
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