Viewing page 2 of 3
It looks like you're using a mobile device. We recommend using a physical keyboard for transcription entry.
[[7 columns]] [[double line across page]] THE NORTH STAR. [[double line across page]] Notice. [[line]] West New York Anti-Slavery Society. The Executive committee will meet on Tuesday evening next, Sept. 12, at the Anti-Slavery Office, 25, Buffalo Street. Attendance is requested at 7 o'clock precisely. W.C. NELL, Rec. Sec. [[line]] Letter to Chas. F. Adams. NEW YORK, Aug. 16th, 1848. Hon. Charles Francis Adams, Quincy, Mass. Sir: We have the honor to inform you, that after you left the chair of the National Free Soil Convention, lately held at Buffalo, and of which you were President, we were appointed a Committee to apprise you that you had been nominated, by the Convention, as its candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States, and to solicit your acceptance of such nomination. Your personal knowledge of the objects, character, and proceedings of the Convention, supersedes the necessity of saying anything, in this place, upon either of these points; and we trust, also, that a simple reference to the unexampled unanimity and enthusiasm with which its principles were proclaimed and its candidates selected, will be a sufficient argument to induce you to accept the nomination you have received. While each of the undersigned cordially unites in this sentiment, it is due to the State of Ohio, represented by one of them, that he should especially express it, since the selection of a candidate for the Vice Presidency was, in the first instance, accorded to that State; thus making you, in a peculiar sense, her nominee on the ticket proposed by the Convention to the American people. We are, sir, with high respect and esteem, your obedient servants, BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. JOSEPH L WHITE, SALMON P. CHASE, Committee of the National Free Soil Convention held at Buffalo, N.Y. [[line]] MR. ADAMS'S REPLY. To Hon. B. F. BUTLER, J. L, WHITE, and S. P. CHASE, Committee of the National Free Soil Convention, held at Buffalo, N. Y QUINCY, Aug. 22, 1848. Gentlemen:——I have just received your official letter, apprising me of the great honor done me by the Convention which you represent, in nominating me as its candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States, and also soliciting my acceptance of the nomination. In reply, permit me to say, that it had been my hope and my expectation to be able to act in the present canvass as one of the humblest, but not of the least earnest and devoted servants of the great cause in which we are engaged; but since it has pleased my fellow laborers, and especially the noble representatives of the great state of Ohio, to whom in your letter you particularly allude, to call upon me, most unexpectedly to myself, to stand in the front ranks of the contest, that I should be their candidate for the second office in the Union, I am not the man to refuse to acknowledge the obligation, or to shrink by a moment's hesitation, from the post not less of duty than of honor to which they assign me. I accept most cheerfully of the nomination. The fathers of the republic, nurtured in the great school of Liberty opened by the reformation, aimed to illustrate by a practical example in America the excellence of their cherished theory of government. To the general success of their experiment, commenced in 1776 and carried forward in 1789, a lapse of more than half a century has borne witness. But unfortunately, the same period has also developed the existence of an adverse influence incautiously admitted at the outset, which has thus far done much to qualify the beneficial results which have been attained from it. That which at first seemed only a deflection from the path of justice in favor of vested rights and a privileged class, has, by degrees, shown itself to be so wide a divergency that the only choice now left to the people of the United States is either to turn back, or else, by going forward, voluntarily to abandon the principles with which their fathers started. The alternative is clearly presented, of the extension, of slavery over the whole breadth of the North American continent, or the maintenance of the fundamental doctrines of the Declaration of Independence. The two things cannot co-exist in the United States. Regret it as we may, we can neither evade nor refuse the issue made up for us. Not to accept it is equivalent in my mind to deserting a great moral, social and political truth, at a moment when every known rule of human duty would seem to demand the complete establishment of it over the minds of a free people. With these feelings I have read, again and again, the platform of principles laid down by the Buffalo Convention. I hail it as the signal of return to the path of the revolutionary patriots, as the era of advance iu [sic] the theory of free democracy. There are now but two living antagonist principles in the politics of the United States. The one which shelters itself under the cover of human force, and the other which draws its vitality from human reason and human sympathy. To all those who have confidence in the capacity of man for self-government, it must be a source of great satisfaction to believe that the period when the last of these principles will triumph in the United States, is rapidly approaching. At the same time it would be unjust to accompany such a victory with any feelings of acrimony or ill will towards the individual members of the losing side. The slaveholding section of the Union merits our sympathy, even while its aggressive policy meets with the firmest resistance. For the time may yet come when those who now regard the declarations of the Buffalo platform as a vindictive assault upon their dearest interests, will construe them rather to be the preservation of their highest moral and political rights. Ours is not a contest with geographically defined sections of country, nor with organized communities of men. It is a struggle to sustain principles of inestimable value in every land, of general application wherever society is established. Success with us is the synonyme [sic] only of that extension of the greatest blessings which good government can most certainly be expected to confer upon the human race. As such we hail its approach not so much for the good it may do to us as to all those who may now regard it as portending nothing but injury to themselves. I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of the highest respect, Your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. [[line]] Mr. Hale's letter of Declination. DOVER, N. H., August 28, 1848. My Dear Sir;——In my letter to you of the first of January last, accepting the nomination for the Presidency made by the Convention holden at Buffalo on the 20th and 21st of October preceding, I expressed the sentiment that, "nothing would be more grateful to my own feelings, than to find the good and true of every party, forgetful of the petty differences which have heretofore divided them, uniting together in one strenuous and energetic effort to redeem the Government of the United States from the reproach to which it is now justly subject, for its support of Human Slavery." I said further, "whenever such a movement shall be made in good faith and earnest purpose, I shall be most glad, with the consent of those friends who have placed my name before the people, to enrol [sic] myself among the humblest privates in the hosts who will rally under such a banner." I also expressed the hope that "such a movement might yet be made." In my judgment [[page torn]] ment has been made, and it only [[page torn]] to announce to you, sir, my determination entirely to withdraw my name from the list of candidates before the people, and to urge upon my friends as I most cheerfully and sincerely do, a hearty, energetic, and unanimous support of the ticket nominated by the Buffalo convention of the 9th instant. I am aware that after what has already been done by others, it may seem a work of supererogation in me thus formally to withdraw, and I should not do it, were it not that I am repeatedly inquired of both verbally and by letter, whether I am still a candidate, and further that I see my name still retained in some newspapers in that connexion [[sic]] with the avowal that it would so remain until Mr. Van Buren had satisfactorily assented in writing to the platform of principles laid down by the Buffalo convention of the 9th instant, and I had in like manner withdrawn. The former, Mr. Van Buren has already done, and I now fulfil the latter. In thus withdrawing from a position which the partiality of friends, nearly a year since, assigned me, rather in the confidence of what I might do, than in consideration of aught which I had already achieved, permit me, sir, to tender to you, and through you, to those with whom you have acted, my warmest thanks, for the words of kindness and encouragement with which you have cheered me, in the difficulties and embarrassments of my position, for the sympathies you have expressed, and for the very flattering manner, in which my poor efforts in behalf of truth and freedom have been received by you. And now, if I have a friend who, from motives of personal regard, or any other cause, feels regret or disappointment at the present position of affairs; let me entreat such an one, by every honorable consideration which I can urge, to forget every such regret and disappointment, and by the energy and zeal with which he will now labor, manifest to all, that his principles are of more consequence with him than any personal consideration whatever. In conclusion, permit me to assure you, that the path of duty in this matter, has not always been plain and obvious before me, and when I have sought for aid in the counsel of friends, contrariety of opinions with which I have been favored, has only increased the perplexity of my way. The result to which I have come is that which most favorably commends itself to my own judgment. To all those who attach any weight to the opinions of so humble an individual as myself, I most sincerely and cheerfully recommend a hearty, energetic and unanimous support of Messrs. Van Buren and Adams, as the most consistent course for the enlightened friends of Liberty to pursue. At the same time, that I give this as my deliberate opinion, I have no railing accusations to bring against those who see the path of their duty in another direction. The cause in which we are enlisted commends itself, we trust, to the good of Earth and the God of Heaven; let not its advocates degrade it to the level where the hirelings of political profligacy strive for the destruction of every reputation elevated above their own. Let no one suppose for a moment, because I no longer occupy the position which has heretofore been assigned me, and which I have thought could be occupied by another with better prospects of good for the cause, my zeal has grown cold, or my desire for our success abated; on the other hand, sir, be assured, and assure our friends, that whenever and wherever a word can be spoken or a deed done, which can tell in favor of the great interests we are all so anxious to advance, that word and that deed, if within the compass of my feeble powers, is unreservedly at the command of my friends. With much respect, I am very truly your obliged friend. JOHN P. HALE. HON. S. LEWIS.——Cincinnati Ohio. [[double line]] THE NORTH STAR. [[double line]] To My Old Master. THOMAS AULD——SIR:——The long and intimate, though by no means friendly, relation which unhappily subsisted between your and myself, leads me to hope that you will easily account for the great liberty which I now take in addressing you in this open and public manner. The same fact may possibly remove any disagreeable surprise which you may experience on again finding your name coupled with mine, in any other way than in an advertisement, accurately describing my person, and offering a large sum for my arrest. In thus dragging you again before the public, I am aware that I shall subject myself to no inconsiderable amount of censure. I shall probably be charged with an unwarrantable if not a wanton and reckless disregard of the rights and proprieties of private life. There are those North as well as South, who entertain a much higher respect for rights which are merely conventional, than they do for rights which are personal and essential. Not a few there are in our country who, while they have no scruples againt [sic] robbing the laborer of the hard-earned results of his patient industry, will be shocked by the extremely indelicate manner of bringing your name before the public. Believing this to be the case, and wishing to meet every reasonable or plausible objection to my conduct, I will frankly state the ground upon which I justify myself in this instance, as well as on former occasions when I have thought proper to mention your name in public. All will agree that a man guilty of theft, robbery or murder, has forfeited the right to concealment and private life; that the community have a right to subject such persons to the most complete exposure. However much they may desire retirement, and aim to conceal themselves and their movements from the popular gaze, the public have a right to ferret them out, and bring their conduct before the proper tribunals of the country for investigation. Sir, you will undoubtedly make the proper application of these generally-admitted principles, and will easily see the light in which you are regarded by me. I will not, therefore, manifest ill-temper, by calling you hard names. I know you to be a man of some intelligence, and can readily determine the precise estimate which I entertain of your character. I may therefore indulge in language which may seem to others indirect and ambiguous, and yet be quite well understood by yourself. I have selected this day on which to address you, because it is the anniversary of my emancipation; and knowing of no better way, I am led to this as the best mode of celebrating that truly important event. Just ten years ago this beautiful September morning, yon bright sun beheld me a slave——a poor degraded chattel——trembling at the sound of your voice, lamenting that I was a man, and wishing myself a brute. The hopes which I had treasured up for weeks of a safe and successful escape from your grasp, were powerfully confronted at this last hour by dark clouds of doubt and fear, making my person shake and my bosom to heave with the heavy contest between hope and fear. I have no words to describe to you the deep agony of soul which I experienced on that never-to-be-forgotten morning——(for I left by daylight.)——I was taking a leap in the dark. The probabilities, so far as I could by reason determine them, were stoutly against the undertaking. The preliminaries and precautions I had adopted previously, all worked badly. I was like one going to war without weapons——ten chances of defeat to one of victory. One in whom I had confided, and one who had promised me assistance, appalled by fear at the trial-hour, deserted me, thus leaving the responsibility of success or failure solely with myself. You, sir, can never know my feelings. As I look back to them, I can scarcely realize that I have passed through a scene so trying. Trying however as they were, and gloomy as was the prospect, thanks be to the Most High, who is ever the God of the oppressed, at the moment which was to determine my whole earthly career, His grace was sufficient, my mind was made up. I embraced the golden opportunity, took the morning tide at the flood; and a free man, young, active, and strong, is the result. I have often thought I should like to explain to you the grounds upon which I have justified myself in running away from you. I am almost ashamed to do so now, for by this time you may have discovered them yourself. I will, however, glance at them. When yet but a child about six years old, I imbibed the determination to run away. The very first mental effort that I now remember on my part, was an attempt to solve the mystery, Why am I a slave? and with this question my youthful mind was troubled for many days, pressing upon me more heavily at times than others. When I saw the slave-driver whip a slave-woman, cut the blood out of her neck, and heard her piteous cries, I went away into the corner of the fence, wept and pondered over this mystery. I had, through some medium, I know not what, got some idea of God, the Creator of all mankind, the black and the white, and that he had made the blacks to serve the whites as slaves. How he could do this and be good, I could not tell. I was not satisfied with this theory, which made God responsible for slavery, for it pained me greatly, and I have wept over it long and often. At one time, your first wife, Mrs. Lucretia, heard me singing and saw me shedding tears, and asked of me the matter, but I was afraid to tell her. I was puzzled with this question, till one night, while sitting in the kitchen, I heard some of the old slaves talking of their parents having been stolen from Africa by white men, and were sold here as slaves. The whole mystery was solved at once. Very soon after this, my aunt Jinny and uncle Noah ran away, and the great noise made about it by your father-in-law, made me for the first time acquainted with the fact, that there were free States as well as slave States. From that time, I resolved that I would some day run away. The morality of the act, I dispose of as follows: I am myself; you are yourself; we are two distinct person, equal persons. What you are I am. You are a man, and so am I.——God created both, and made us separate beings. I am not by nature bound to you, or you to me. Nature does not make your existence depend upon me, or mine to depend upon yours. I cannot walk upon your legs, or you upon mine. I cannot breathe for you, or you for me; I must breathe for myself, and you for yourself. We are distinct persons, and are each equally provided with faculties necessary to our individual existence. In leaving you, I took nothing but what belonged to me, and in no way lessened your means of obtaining an honest living. Your faculties remained yours, and mine became useful to their rightful owner. I therefore see no wrong in any part of the transaction. It is true, I went off secretly, but that was more your fault than mine. Had I let you into the secret, you would have defeated the enterprise entirely; but for this, I should have been really glad to have made you acquainted with my intention to leave. You may perhaps want to know how I like my present condition. I am free to say, I greatly prefer it to that which I occupied in Maryland. I am, however, by no means prejudiced against that State as such. Its geography, climate, fertility and products, are such as to make it a very desirable abode for any man; and but for the existence of slavery there, it is not impossible that I might again take up my abode in that State. It is not that I love Maryland less, but freedom more. You will be surprised to learn that people at the North labor under the strange delusion that if the slaves were emancipated at the South, they would all flock to the North. So far from this being the case, in that event, you would see many old and familiar faces back again at the South. The fact is, there are few here who would not return to the South in the event of emancipation. We want to live in the land of our birth, and to lay our bones by the side of our fathers'; and nothing short of an intense love of personal freedom keeps us from the South. For the sake of this, most of us would live on a crust of bread and a cup of cold water. Since I left you, I have had a rich experience. I have occupied stations which I never dreamed of when a slave. Three out of the ten years since I left you, I spent as a common laborer on the wharves of New Bedford, Massachusetts. It was there I earned my first free dollar. It was mine. I could spend it as I pleased. I could buy hams of herring with it, without asking any odds of anybody. That was a precious dollar to me. You remember when I used to make seven or eight, and even nine dollars a week in Baltimore, you would take every cent of it from me every Saturday night, saying that I belonged to you, and my earnings also. I never liked this conduct on your part——to say the best, I thought it a little mean. I would not have served you so. But let that pass. I was a little awkward about counting money in New England fashion when I first landed in New Bedford. I like to have betrayed myself several times. I caught myself saying phip, for fourpence; and one time a man actually charged me with being a runaway, whereupon I was silly enough to become one by running away from him, for I was greatly afraid he might adopt measures to get me again into slavery, a condition I then dreaded more than death. I soon, however, learned to count money, as well as to make it, and got on swimmingly. I married soon after leaving you: in fact, I was engaged to be married before I left you; and instead of finding my companion a burden, she was truly a helpmeet. She went to live at service, and I to work on the wharf, and though we toiled hard the first winter, we never lived more happily. After remaining in New Bedford for three years, I met with Wm. Lloyd Garrison, a person of whom you have possibly heard, as he is pretty generally known among slaveholders. He put it into my head that I might make myself servicable [sic] to the cause of the slave by devoting a portion of my time to telling my own sorrows, and those of other slaves which had come under my observation. This was the commencement of a higher state of existence than any to which I had ever aspired. I was thrown into society the most pure, enlightened and benevolent that the country affords. Among these, I have never forgotten you, but have invariably made you the topic of conversation——thus giving you all the notoriety I could do. I need not tell you that the opinion formed of you in these circles, is far from being favorable. They have little respect for your honesty and less for your religion. But I was going on to relate to you something of my interesting experience. I had not long enjoyed the excellent society to which I have referred, before the light of its excellence exerted a beneficial influence on my mind and heart. Much of my early dislike of white persons was removed, and their manners, habits and customs, so entirely unlike what I had been used to in the kitchen-quarters on the plantations of the South, fairly charmed me, and gave me a strong disrelish for the coarse and degrading customs of my former condition. I therefore made an effort so to improve my mind and deportment, as to be somewhat fitted to the station to which I seemed almost Providentially called. The transition from degradation to respectability was indeed great, and to get from one to the other without carrying some marks of one's former condition, is truly a difficult matter.——I would not have you think that I am now entirely clear of all plantation peculiarities, but my friends here, while they entertain the strongest dislike to them, regard me with that charity to which my past life somewhat entitles me, so that my condition in this respect is exceedingly pleasant. So far as my domestic affairs are concerned, I can boast of as comfortable a dwelling as your own. I have an industrious and neat companion, and four dear children——the oldest a girl of nine years, and three fine boys, the oldest eight, the next six, and the youngest four years old. The three oldest are now going regularly to school——two can read and write, and the other can spell with tolerable correctness words of two syllables. Dear fellows! they are all in comfortable beds, and are sound asleep, perfectly secure under my own roof. There are no slaveholders here to rend my heart by snatching them from my arms, or blast a proud mother's dearest hopes by tearing them from her bosom. These dear children are ours——not to work up into rice, sugar and tobacco, but to watch over, regard, and protect, and to rear them up in the nurture and admonition of the gospel——to train them up in the paths of wisdom and virtue, and, as far as we can, to make them useful to the world and to themselves. Oh! sir, a slaveholder never appears to me so completely an agent of hell, as when I think of and look upon my dear children. It is then that my feeling rise above my control. I meant to have said more with respect to my own prosperity and happiness, but thoughts and feelings which this recital has quickened, unfits me to proceed further in that direction. The grim horrors of slavery rise in all their ghastly terror before me, the wails of millions pierce my heart, and chill my blood. I remember the chain, the gag, the bloody whip, the deathlike gloom overshadowing the broken spirit of the fettered bondman, the appalling liability of his being torn away from wife and children and sold like a beast in the market. Say not that this is a picture of fancy. You well know that I wear stripes on my back inflicted by your direction; and that you, while we were brothers in the same church, caused this right hand, with which I am now penning this letter, to be closely tied to my left, and my person dragged at the pistol's mouth, fifteen miles, from the Bay side to Easton, to be sold like a beast in the market, for the alleged crime of intending to escape from your possession. All this and more you remember, and know to be perfectly true, not only of yourself, but of nearly all the slaveholders around you. At this moment, you are probably the guilty holder of at least three of my own dear sisters, and my only brother in bondage. These you regard as your property. They are recorded on your ledger, or perhaps have been sold to human flesh mongers, with a view to filling your own ever-hungry purse. Sir, I desire to know how and where these dear sisters are. Have you sold them? or are they still in your possession? What has become of them? are they living or dead? And my dear old grandmother, whom you turned out like an old horse, to die in the woods——is she still alive? Write and let me know all about them. If my grandmother be still alive, she is of no service to you, for by this time she must be nearly eighty years old——too old to be cared for by one to whom she has ceased to be of service, send her to me at Rochester, or bring her to Philadelphia, and it shall be the crowning happiness of my life to take care of her in her old age. Oh! she was to me a mother, and a father, so far as hard toil for my comfort could make her such. Send me my grandmother! that I may watch over and take care of her in her old age. And my sisters, let me know all about them. I would write to them, and learn all I want to know of them without disturbing you in any way, but that, through your unrighteous conduct, they have been entirely deprived of the power to read and write. You have kept them in utter ignorance, and have therefore robbed them of the sweet enjoyments of writing or receiving letters from absent friends and relatives. Your wickedness and cruelty committed in this respect on your own fellow-creatures, are greater than all the stripes you have laid upon my back, or theirs. It is an outrage upon the soul——a war upon the immortal spirit, and one for which you must give account at the bar of our common Father and Creator. The responsibility which you have assumed in this regard is truly awful——and how you could stagger under it these many years is marvellous [sic]. Your mind must have become darkened, your heart hardened, your conscience seared and petrified, or you would have long since thrown off the accursed load and sought relief at the hands of a sin forgiving God. How, let me ask, would you look upon me, were I some dark night in company with a band of hardened villains, to enter the precincts of your own elegant dwelling and seize the person of your own lovely daughter Amanda, and carry her off from your family, friends and all the loved ones of her youth——make her my slave——compel her to work, and I take her wages——place her name on my ledger as property——disregard her personal rights——fetter the powers of her immortal soul by denying her the right and privilege of learning to read and write——feed her coarsely——clothe her scantily, and whip her on the naked back occasionally; more and still more horrible, leave her unprotected——a degraded victim to the brutal lust of fiendish overseers who would pollute, blight, and blast her fair soul——rob her of all dignity——destroy her virtue, and annihilate all in her person the graces that adorn the character of virtuous womanhood? I ask how would you regard me, if such were my conduct? Oh! the vocabulary of the damned would not afford a word sufciently [[sic]] infernal, to express your idea of my God-provoking wickedness. Yet sir, your treatment of my beloved sisters is in all essential points, precisely like the case I have now supposed. Damning as would be such a deed on my part, it would be no more so than that which you have committed against me and my sisters. I will now bring this letter to a close, you shall hear from me again unless you let me hear from you. I intend to make use of you as a weapon with which to assail the system of slavery——as a means of concentrating public attention on the system, and deepening their horror of trafficking in the souls and bodies of men. I shall make use of you as a means of exposing the character of the American church and clergy——and as a means of bringing this guilty nation with yourself to repentence [sic]. In doing this I entertain no malice towards you personally. There is no roof under which you would be more safe than mine, and there is nothing in my house which you might need for your comfort, which I would not readily grant. Indeed, I should esteem it a privilege, to set you an example as to how mankind ought to treat each other. I am your fellow man but not your slave, FREDERICK DOUGLASS. P.S.——I send a copy of the paper containing this letter, to save postage.——F.D. [[line]] [[image of hand pointing at paragraph]] Our esteemed friend, C. H. Langston, Esq., passed through Rochester last week, on his return from Saratoga and the East, homeward. Mr. Langston looks to be much benefitted by the tour, and his friends in Ohio will be pleased of this fact when he reaches Chillicothe. We regret that we did not get the opportunity of seeing Mr. and Mrs. Watson, who also passed through this city on their return. [[line]] THE SABLE BROTHERS OF THE SMOKY CITY.——A new troupe of "gentlemen from Africa," just organized in this city under the name at the head of this paragraph, are entertaing [sic] full houses at the Eagle. A live kankee and a beautiful little dancing and singing girl, are attached to the troupe, and make most acceptable contributions to the entertainments. On the whole, the Eagle, with its capacious apartments, its ice-cream and beautiful fountain below, and its music and dancing above, presents drawing attractions for these warm evenings which it requires some philosophy to resist.——Pittsburg Tel. There is everywhere to be found those mean enough for anything, and Pittsburg has her share of such vile creatures as well as other places. We can form no other idea of such wretches, than midnight rowdies, who would knock a man down in the dark, and pick pockets. Men who can devote themselves to the cowardly purpose of sporting over the miseries and misfortunes of an oppressed people, is contemptible enough for any undertaking, however dishonorable. However comically the Irish, or any other oppressed class of the white race, may be represented, there is always some moral or elevating characteristic connected with it; but never in any instance in this country has the African character been represented but with disparagement and malignity——the sole intention being, to foster prejudice against this class of American citizens. Even in the drama, when the poet evidently intended, as the language shows, to present the Moor of Venice as an African, the refined sensibility of American taste can only permit him to be played white! [[line]] AN AFRICAN'S IDEA OF THE CREATION OF MAN.——King Yardoo, of Goulah country, during a recent palaver with one of the Liberia missionaries, gave him the following account of the manner in which God made man: "First, he came down in the morning, worked all day long making white men in America, and gave them plenty of good sense. Then he came along in the dark, about midnight, and made we countrymon [sic] all black, and because he wanted to get home before breakfast, he never waited to give us any sense at all, but told us to make war, raise rice and cassada, eat dumboy and pepper, that is all."——Ex. Paper. This is as reasonable a comment as some of the pro-slavery theologians (diabologians, we should say,) give us upon the doctrines of creation, and a just conclusion drawn from the idea obtained from King Yardoo and his people, of the God whose justice and holiness American divines and Spanish pirates teach them, instituted slavery and the infernal slavetrade. [[line]] KILLED.——A colored man was killed on Wednesday by driving from the railroad bridge over the Brandywine, his head striking a stake. [[line]] MOVEMENT FOR CLAY.——The Boston Traveller says, "We hear it stated that a number of the friends of Henry Clay in this city talk of making a demonstration in his favor for the Presidency." [[line]] NEW YORK——The Utica Democrat gives a list of forty nine Democratic papers in the State of New York, which repudiate Gen. Cass, and support Martin Van Buren for President. [[line]] The New York Tribune is ready to come out for Taylor as soon as he comes out for "Free Soil." "Wait a little longer." [[double line]] TO CORRESPOMDENTS. [sic] [[short line]] [[image of hand pointing to paragraph]] The receipt of the paper by Subscribers who send their subscriptions through the Post Office, will be a sufficient acknowledgment that the money has come to hand. It will also be understood that the paper will be sent for the time specified in the letter, without the trouble and expense of any further communication on the subject. S.E., Hamilton, Mass.——The mistake is corrected. Credited to No. 70. G.S., Peterboro——Received. Liberian Colonization. Every day brings to light, some new proofs that the Liberian Colonization scheme is a gross fraud and imposture. It is scarcely credible to what an extent the people of this country have been duped and deceived by those engaged in that nefarious project. Two weeks since, an article appeared in the columns of the North Star, drawing attention to the proceedings of the Rev. J. B. Pinney, first Missionary and afterwards Governor of the Colony. It now appears that much——very much that might have been said, was not said in that article. The Liberator of last week, copies from an article in the New York Day Book, details of the most extraordinary character respecting the colony and its officers.——J. B. Pinney of course comes in for a share of the benefit, and what is here copied respecting him, is particularly recommended to the careful perusal of the reverend gentlemen who composed the Presbyterian Synod that recently met in this place; and they may probably be induced to think again before placing implicit reliance upon his statements. At the time here mentioned, it seems that J. B. Pinney was advocating the cause of the colony. Probably by that time the prospect of becoming Governor was present to his mind. The writer (Dr. Bacon, editor of the Day Book) says:—— "In 1836, the editor of the Day-Book, then making arrangements to go to West Africa, in order to investigate thoroughly the condition of the Liberian colony, and the operations and prospects of the Colonization scheme, (of which he then was, and from his early youth had been an enthusiastic admirer and advocate,) was introduced at his brother's house to a person called John B. Pinney, who had returned from Liberia, where he had been at first nominally a Presbyterian missionary, and then abandoning that sacred cause, had become a secular agent of the Colonization Society, with better pay, and employment much better suited to his moral character. * * * Being very desirious [sic] of acquiring the fullest possible knowledge of every fact concerning the Liberian colony, and considering himself eminently fortunate in such an opportunity to know the truth in a matter upon which a great purpose of life, and even life itself depended, he made this man his friend, as he supposed,——at any rate treated him like a friend,——introduced him to gentlemen, passed many hours in conversation with him, for weeks seeking to draw from him the truth in regard to the condition of Liberia, the character of the colonists, the difficulties of colonization, and the ultimate feasibility of the original scheme. A few months afterwards, the writer of this was in Africa; and from the first day of his landing on that continent till he left it, he had evidence that all which he had so studiously learned from J. B. Pinney, was a mass of the most absurd and abominable falsehood.——one of the first things that he heard there in speaking of Pinney, was, that he had been notoriously actually insane during a large portion of the time when there resident,——that he had been carefully watched for fear that he might do himself some mischief. Friends and foes were alike agreed that he was a thoroughly insane man. * * * The writer has now no recollection of any particular in which Pinney told him the truth in regard to Liberia, in reply to his anxious personal inquiries before going to Africa, or in published statements read as before mentioned in Africa. That many unimportant particulars were true is of course probable, but in all matters essential to a correct impression of the condition and character of Liberia and the colonists, the falsehood was uniform. The whole of the testimony was recollected only as a lie in the general purport and in all particulars of any importance. On this subject there was no difference of opinion among people in Africa acquainted with his testimony. The only question was as to the moral or intellectual causes of this monstrous mendacity." It thus appears, not only that the Rev. J, B. Pinney had been guilty of fabricating the grossest falsehoods respecting the colony; but that even while resident in Liberia, he had been found to be insane, "and had been carefully watched for fear that he might do himself some mischief." Even while residing at New Haven, where Dr. Bacon was first introduced to him, his behaviour had given occasion for a rumor that he was insane. It appears, then, first that J. B. Pinney had been detected in giving out, as one who had been an intelligent eye-witness, and therefore to be relied upon, statements respecting Liberia, which were utterly false and without foundation; and secondly, that he has at different periods of his life, shown himself to be insane. Little more than this would seem to be required, to show that neither the judgment nor the veracity of the Reverend gentleman is of the most satisfactory character. It may be rather an interesting question whether the little stories with which he amused the reverend fathers in this city, were "works of fiction," founded on fact. One source of consolation is, that whether true or false, they were of a sufficient harmless character, tending simply to show, for the edification of pious minds, that "Providence had been very kind to Liberia." Bah! such hypocrisy is too gross. It is difficult to contemplate it without a certain degree of heartsickness. The following extract will afford some idea of the condition of the colony; and shows what reliance is to be placed on the oft repeated assertions which are found in Colonization prints, that the colonists are happy and prosperous. "By a singular coincidence, it so happens that exactly nine years ago this afternoon,——July 11, 1839——the editor of the Day Book "left the colony" of Liberia for the last time, after a residence at Monrovia of seven months, and in other parts of what is called Liberia of about a year, in other parts of West Africa of a little more than a year. He first landed in Liberia, February 4, 1837; and consequently the whole period between his first and last sight of that very interesting country, was two years, five months and one week. At several times after ceasing to reside there; he visited Monrovia, and made careful observations of the condition of the people. He was always welcomed by them with strong expressions of delight, and of hopes that he had come back to remain and resume the medical charge of the colony; and after his departure, he was followed to the shore, with loud regrets that he would not stay, and with earnest entreaties that he would change his determination. Especially was this feeling manifested when he left "the colony" nine years ago to-day, when some of the colonists followed him through the bushes down to the very beach where he took the boat which conveyed him to the ship——beseeching him to stay and take care of them when they were sick and not leave them to die, as they feared they should with the next attack of the dreadful diseases of that pestilential climate. Some of these men added, as many do when they see any body leaving the colony and returning to America——"Take me with you. I can't live in this miserable place. I shall die here. O! Doctor take me with you, and I will be your servant or do anything you say." He never heard more piteous expressions of despairing misery, or more heart-rending cries of sorrow than those which mingled in the reluctant adieus of those poor exiles longing to return to their native land, the land of Slavery. When he first left the colony and terminated his residence at Monrovia, he did so simply because his usefulness as Colonial physician was obstructed and nullified by want of food sufficient to keep his convalescent patients from starvation, and even to support himself in health and vigor, and also by the cruel treatment which the sick emigrants received from the colonists, and by the nightly robberies perpetrated on their little stock of necessaries by the thievish Liberians. He was himself robbed in repeated instances; and his native servants beaten and abused in the most shameful manner by the colonists, without possibility of redress, s[o] that it was difficult to secure the attendance necessary to his business and his subsistence. When sick, he found that his orders in regard to the invalids were countermanded——and his treatment thwarted by the negro agents of the Society, in consequence of which, several of his patients died while he was too much enfeebled by fever to leave the house to attend to them." It is of the utmost importance, that facts such as these should be known and extensively published. The scheme of Colonization, is at best, even supposing all to be true that its most strenuous supporters affirm respecting it, the offspring of a most unchristian and unreasoning prejudice. It is worse than even that, however; it is the twin sister of slavery, and is a plan fostered and encouraged by slaveholders, by which they might increase their unrighteous gains. It is objected, that benevolent men lend the sanction of their names to the scheme. Yes, but they are deceived, as many have been, who are now the most strenuous opposers of Colonization.——Every statement respecting Liberia, requires to be scrutinized with the utmost jealousy.——Further extracts will be given at an early day, showing to what an extent the officers and agents of the Colonization Society have been implicated in the slave-trade.——J.D. [[line]] Ireland. That the recent attempt of the Irish to effect a violent revolution, and force a repeal of the union, has come to a most ineffectual termination, at least for the present, is now beyond all question. The leaders are either arrested or are hiding in the mountains, and the people dispersed. Discontent is not removed; the causes of discontent are not removed; still no one who has any knowledge of the state of matters in that country, could ever dream of the possibility of any other result to an attempt for their removal by such means. It has proved to be nothing more than a most mistaken and unproductive expenditure of energy. All that can be said to have been gained by this effort is, that it will serve to attract the attention of the legislature to the redress of the peculiar evils under which Ireland suffers. And what are those evils? If we except the temporary measures which unusual emergencies call into operation——measures which are doubtless ofttimes unnecessarily harsh and stringent——the most determined enemy to "Saxon rule" will find it difficult to make out a case of very peculiar hardship for Ireland——that is, a heavier taxation or a more rigorous government than falls to the lot of the other portions of Great Britain. The miseries of Ireland——those of them that can be affected by legislation, are more the effect of past than of present misgovernment. The protestant establishment, to which all are forced to contribute, either in the form of tithes or church rates, is a monstrous iniquity, which is felt not less severely by a majority of the people of England and Scotland, than it is by the Roman Catholics and other dissenters of Ireland. A grinding taxation, the result of long years of war and profligate expenditure, presses upon the laboring classes throughout the kingdom; and aristocratic misrule has done and is now doing its work to widen the distance and to make more marked the distinction between wealth and poverty. But the peculiar grievances of Ireland are not so easily pointed out. That she has peculiar and almost unparalleled sufferings, is a self-evident fact; it is also apparent that many of those sufferings may be traced to present causes, the results of past misgovernment; that some of them may be traced to the religious belief——some to the ignorance and the genius of the people——some to absenteeism——and some to the plan extensively adopted by the landlords of paying the laborers on their estates, by allowing them to squat on a small patch of land, where they may, if they have sufficient courage and industry to make the attempt, without capital or means of any kind, contrive to procure a miserable subsistence. When this is said, it is nearly all that presents itself in reference to Ireland's peculiar wrongs; and it is much easier to say this, than it is to discover a remedy. The Protestant church establishment might be removed; there is not the shadow of a reason, aside from the self-interest of the aristocracy, why it should continue a single day; the absenteeism might to some extent be remedied; and a better system of wages might possibly be enforced; but after all these reforms are brought about, (and it does not appear to be within the power or the province of the English government, constituted as it is, to effect more,) it is but too evident that a beginning will scarcely have been made towards the removal of Ireland's difficulties. Something more than legislation is wanted to effect this. The truth is, (and the attention of the heartless demagogues in this country, who, for ends best known to themselves, have been endeavoring to arouse sympathy for Ireland and enmity against England on this side the Atlantic, is particularly requested to this statement,) that the Irish do not pay a larger——not even an equal share of the taxes. In proof of this assertion take the following extract from Douglass Jerrold, whom no one will accuse of having any leaning to the side of aristocracy and kingcraft. In order to the better understanding of this paragraph, it may be well to say, that at the last census, the population of England was 16,000,000, of Scotland 3,000,000, and of Ireland 9,000,000. Ireland should therefore, if she paid her equal proportion of the taxes, furnish rather less than one-third of the gross amount. But how stands the case? "Out of £52,000,000 of imperial taxation annnally [sic] levied in the United Kingdom, scarcely more than £4,500,000 is raised in Ireland. Toward the royal navy Ireland contributed £8,085 in 1846, and yet she enjoys the full benefit of the fleet. She is charged nothing for the maintenance of our colonial establishments, though she participates in their advantages. She does not pay any assessed taxes, or stamp duties on stage carriages or railways; she is free from any [[/page 1]] [[page 2]] [[7 columns]] [[double line across page]] THE NORTH STAR. [[double line across page]] tax on soap, bricks, hops, post horse duties, windows, servants, horses, carriages; she is exempt from the property and income tax. It is clear, then, that the Anglo-Saxon has not been guilty of fiscal injustice to Ireland." Douglass Jerrold further says—— "Nothing can be more false than the assertion that the trade of Ireland has declined since the union It appears from parliamentary returns, that the tonnage of shipping three years before the union was 112,333, while in 1842, it reached 569,304, showing an increase of 456,971 tons. In 1823, there were no steam vessels in the coasting trade of Ireland, but in 1846, which is the date of the last official returns, the tonnage entered inward amounted to 579,395; since that period, there can be no doubt that the increase has been very considerable. It is not true that the linen trade was destroyed by the union. It appears from Moreau's tables, that from 1781 to 1800, there were exported 678,798,721 yards of linen; while from 1802 to 1821, the quantity was 832,403,860 yards, showing an increase of 153,605,139 yards." From this it is plain that the cry of repeal, especially as it is used in this country, adopted and fostered as it has been by some from whom other things might have been expected, is a word without meaning. It is not proved that Ireland is unequally taxed; it is not proved that repeal would be to her advantage; indeed nothing is proved but the self-evident fact that the Irish are discontented and have cause for discontent. But why clamor for repeal on behalf of the Irish until some such proof is adduced? Were the county of Kent to become, like Ireland, it matters not from what cause, provided it were not unequal legislation, poverty-stricken and unfortunate, and were the men of that county to set up a claim that the ancient kingdom should be restored, doubtless our patriots for other countries would help to swell the gale, and lend their lungs to shout Repeal. This, however, is not the way to benefit Ireland. The laboring classes of that country suffer in common with the laboring classes in England and Scotland. Their cause is one; let them work for one object, and their united efforts cannot fail of success. But other means than physical force must be used.——J.D. [[line]] The Practice and Theory of Teaching, or the Motives and Methods of good School-Keeping. By David P. Page, A.M. Published by Hall & Dickson, Syracuse. Babington Macauley begins a review of a life of the celebrated Warren Hastings, of East Indian notoriety, with the short, but explicit, testimonial of character——"This is a big, bad book;" and without giving the writer an opportunity to say a word for himself, he goes on, in his own inimitable and interesting style, to give what he conceives to be a more correct version of the doings of that man, who certainly did not want talent, though, if the account Macauley gives of him be the true one, his principles were sadly out at the elbows. I mean in this notice to do exactly the reverse of that reviewer——say little, and allow the author, as he is well able, to speak for himself. He says in the preface: "This work had its origin in a desire to contribute something towards elevating an important and rising profession. . . If the term theory in the title suggests to any mind the bad sense sometimes conveyed by that word, I would simply say, that I have not been dealing in the speculative dreams of the closet, but in convictions derived from the realities of the school-room during some twenty years of actual service as a teacher." The author thus makes good his claim to an attentive perusal on the ground of experience. But is there no other ground? The subject is one of the first importance. It is often too slightly cared for. The influence of the teacher on the minds of those under his care, is incalculable; there is, indeed, only one relation——that of the parent, in which a more powerful influence, for good or evil, is exerted on the minds of the young. Yet in how many instances, is he who undertakes the work wanting in those moral, to say nothing of the mental qualities, that are calculated to render his instruction useful! How many there are who take upon themselves the lofty responsibilities of teachers, without for one moment considering whether or not they are in any degree qualified. The author says——"The school is no place for a man without principle." I would say, that "Nowhere is there a place for a man without principle."——Each one of us, if we would rightly consider, is all the time a teacher. Some one or other is continually learning from us something that will be either to his advantage or his injury. Yet it is true, that a school, of all places, is the worst for "a man without principle."——Such a teacher cannot fail to exert a most injurious influence upon his pupils, and in but too many instances incur the fearful guilt of dragging them down to his own miserable level. Teaching has never attained in the public mind an appreciation at all commensurate with its importance. The teacher has been paid with a niggardly hand, and little care has been taken to make sure of his competency. "Teaching (says the author) has by no means received the emolument, either of money or honor, which strict justice would award in any other department to the talents and exertions required for this. This having been the case, most of the best talent has been attracted at once to other professions; or if exercised a while in this, the temptation of more lucrative reward, or of more speedy if not more lasting honor, has soon diverted it from teaching, where so little of either can be realized, to engage in some other department of higher promise." Still, with all this discouragement, we do find now and then an Arnold, a Francke, and a Pestalozzi——men full of enthusiasm, and who realized the importance of their profession, and whose care and study it was to devise plans for influencing aright the minds of those under their care. Said Arnold, on one occasion when he found himself compelled to expel pupils from Rugby school for bad conduct——"It is not necessary that this shoud be a school of three hundred, or even fifty; but it is necessary that those who are here should be Christian gentlemen." How few teachers there are who act under the idea that their pupils should be "Christian gentlemen!" and no wonder: for who are our teachers?——A writer in the Journal of Education says: "Every stripling who has passed four years within the walls of a college——every young person who is conscious of his imbecility in other business, esteems himself fully competent to train the ignorance and weakness of infancy into all the virtue, and power, and wisdom of maturer years——to form a creature the feeblest that heaven has made, into the intelligent and fearless sovereign of the whole animated creation——the interpreter, and adorer, and almost the representative of Divinity." This is a crying evil, for which a remedy must be found, and that speedily. The first and most apparent remedy is, that none should be employed as teachers, but those who are thoroughly competent and qualified. To carry this into effect, a second improvement would be required, which would also operate as a remedy——namely, that those who are thus qualified should be more liberally rewarded and honored. Pope's couplet, with an alteration of the idea, applies remarkably to this case: "Lusts in the heart, breed errors in the brain, And these reciprocally those again." Bad pay calls up incompetent teachers, and the incompetency of teachers has the very reasonable effect of reducing the pay——for who will pay a high price for an indifferent article; or rather, who will say that a bad teacher is deserving of any reward? But the book! It contains fifteen chapters——"The Spirit of the Teacher; Responsibility of the Teacher; Right views of Education; Right Modes of Teaching; School Government," are some of the titles of the chapters, picked up at random. This notice is growing to an unreasonable length; still, the temptation is strong to make an extract from the chapter of Miscellaneous Suggestions, which will serve to illustrate the spirit of the work and the mode of training the author would adopt. He says: "Take advantage of unusual occurrences to make a moral or religious impression.——"Example: During the early part of the day, there had been one of those violent rainstorms so common upon the sea-coast at that season of the year. It is well known to the observing mariner, that a storm from the southeast never continues beyond twelve or fifteen hours; and when the violence of the storm abates, it is a common remark of the sailor, that "the northwester is not long in debt to the southeaster." Previous to this change of wind, however, there is what is expressively termed the "lull of the storm," a period when the rain ceases to fall, the wind dies away to a perfect calm, the barometer is suddenly depressed, the clouds hover almost upon the face of the earth, shutting out the light of the sun, and causing a cheerless damp to settle upon everything terrestial, and a dreary gloom to enshroud the mind itself. When the wind changes, these clouds are not gradually dissolved and broken up, so that the eye can catch transient glimpses of the blue sky beyond, as after a snow-storm in winter; but the dark drapery is suddenly lifted up, as if by an unseen hand, and the western sky, from the horizon upwards, is left more bright and more charming than ever, to refresh the sight and reanimate the soul. It was such a day, as before remarked, when the pupils of this school——partly because of the darkness in the school-room, and partly because of their protracted confinement within a close apartment during a gloomy afternoon——were, a little earlier than usual, about to be dismissed. The pupils all seemed to welcome the happy release that awaited them; and in their eagerness to escape from confinement, they very naturally neglected to observe their accustomed regard for quiet and order in laying aside their books. It was, however, a fixed habit with the teacher, never to give the signal for leaving the room till all the pupils had taken the proper attitude for passing out with regularity, and then had composed themselves to perfect silence. On this occasion, perhaps two minutes passed away while the boys were gradually, almost impatiently, bringing themselves to a compliance with this rule of the teacher. During this interval of waiting, the cloud, unperceived by the teacher, had been slowly raised up from the western horizon, just in time to allow the setting sun to bestow a farewell glance upon the sorrowing world at his leave-taking. Through the Venetian blinds that guarded the windows towards the west, the celestial light gleamed athwart the apartment, and painted the opposite wall, in front of the pupils, with streaks of burnished gold! In an instant every countenance was changed. A smile now joyously played where before sadness and discontent had held their moody reign. The teacher was reminded, by all these circumstances, of the beautiful language of the prophet, which promised the gift of "the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness." What could be more appropriate on the occasion than a song of praise? Without speaking a single word, the teacher commenced one of the little sons already familiar to the whole school: "Lo the heavens are breaking, Pure and bright above; Life and light awaking, Murmur——God is love. God is love." Instantly every voice that ever sung, now uttered heartfelt praise. The attendant circumstances, taken at the happy moment, furnished such an impressive commentary upon the import of the words, that theywere felt, as they never before had been felt, to be the words of precious truth. Every heart throbbed in unison with the sentiment. At the close of the song, there was profound silence in the room. After a moment's pause, during which the truth that God is good seemed to pervade each mind and hold it in silent reverence, the signal for departure was given. One after another the boys passed from their seats with light and careful step, as ifnoise and haste would be a descration both of time and place; and when they reached the open air, refreshing and exhilarating as it was, there was no boisterous shout, no rude mirth; each took his homeward course, apparently with a new and lively conviction that God IS Good". The book contains many useful hints, and should be in the hands of every one who has the care and training of youth. It is not of course perfect. Were I so disposed, I might probably pick out some blemishes, and cavil at some of the sentiments. It is sufficiently easy at all times, even for the man who has no coat of his own, to pick holes in that of his more fortunate neighbor. Under this protest, then, that I cannot subscribe to every word of this production, any more than most of the Episcopalian clergy subscribe, without reservation, mental or otherwise, to the whole of the thirty-nine articles, I recommend it to the readers of the North Star.-- J.D. [[line]] FREE SOIL IN CONNECTICUT.--At a meeting of the friends of Free Soil held in New Haven, (Ct.) the following resolution was adopted: "Resolved, That we cordially adopt the platform of principles laid down by the Buffalo Convention, and accept its nomination of candidates for the Presidency; recognizing the great cause of Free Soil, Free Labor, and Free Speech, as our cause, and the men who support and represent it as the men for us." RIOT AT CINNCINATTI.--A riot occurred at Cincinnati on the 22d, occasioned by the examination of two Germans on a chanrge of having committed a felonious assault on a woman. The mob attacked the jail, intending to seize and kill the Germans. The officers fired from a window, killing three and wounding several of the assailants. The affair created an intense excitement. A later despatch states that the excitement still continues. The jail wall had been demolished.--The military were called out and four of the mob were killed and three wounded. The criminals are returned volunteers. Column Three [[title]] Communications. [[wavy line]] Philadelphia, Aug. 5, 1848 Esteemed Friends.--I should take this occasion to give you some account of the spirited Anti-Slavery meetings that we have had for a few days past, but I am aware that ere this you have those proceedings by a more able pen. But suffice it to say, that we have had several very exciting and interesting meetings, and have at present a very good feeling among our people in this city; and were that feeling kept up, we might in all probability obtain a goodly number of subscribers for your invaluable paper. I was delighted to see by your last number, that Mr. M.R. Delany intended making us a visit in September, for the purpose of obtaining subscribers. I may be mistaken, but I am under the impression that two hundred subscribers cun be obtained in this city and county by a little vigilance. It will require a man that is persevering, and oen that stands pretty fair or popular in this community--very different from Jas. McCrummell. GEORGE W. GOINES. [[line]] Berlinville, Aug. 20. Dear Bro. Douglass: --I have just been reperusing your address delivered at the celebration of the first of August held in your city. In it I find the following passage:--"About eighteen years ago, a man of noble courage rose among his brethren in Virginia." For what purpose? "We have long been subjected to slavery. The hour for our deliverance has come. Let us rise and strike for liberty. In the name of a God of justice, let us slay our oppressors." Yes, noble man. O, that there were a few such noble men now! Oh that the slaves would rise as one man, and hurl the tyrant from his throne!-- Oh that this were not a nation of hypocrites! Oh that there were at the North a few noble men, with philanthropy, religion, and soul enough in them to go and aid their brethren in freeing themselves from the galling tyranny. And is it possible that there are not? Do we not all know that the salves would be justifiable in rending their chains, even if to effect it it were necessary to take the blood of every slaveholder in the land? And do we not know that what one man may do, another may assist him in doing? In short, do we not know that we ought to "deliver the despoiled out of the hand of the oppressor?" Why this silence on the part of abolitionists and the abolition press? I wish to propose, for the consideration of abolitionists, the following question: Is it the duty of abolitionists, under present circumstances, to make an effort to liberate the slaves by force? Will its discussion be detrimental to the cause of liberty? Who will take the negative? Give us light. Yours for the slave, FRANCIS BARRY [[line]] From our own Correspondent. ST. HELIERS, Jersey, Aug. 9th I have availed myself of the opportunity which a short sojourn in this delightful island has afforded me, to visit the neighboring shores of France. My excursion was confined to Normandy and Britanny Provinces, the inhabitants of which not long since all but repudiated the term French, and considering themselves, as in truth they are, distinct races, chose to adopt different designations, and to adhere to the denominations of their respective countries. The tall stature, the fresh complexion, the light hair, and the clear blue eye of the Norman, bespeak a very different animal to the Frenchman proper. The old Scandinavian blood has remained comparatively free from admixture in the veins of the peasant of Normandy, thought the language has faded away utterly. The Bretons are a branch of the great Celtic race, and as such, are less akin to the true French than their Norman neighbors. Their physical distinctions are not, perhaps, so marked, but in temperament, and in ideas, they are even more adverse. Their language, which, in many secluded parts of the province, remains almost unaltered, is very different from the French. Under these circumstances, you may judge that the mania which has pervaded all France, would, if exhibited at all, be seen in its mildest form in the vicinity of the North-western coast. The first aspect of Republican France, differs not greatly from that of France under the citizen-king. The same shoals of military dressed men rush on board on your entering the harbor, (very much out of their element, by the by, do they look when they have quitted dry land,)--there is the same demand for passports, and the same rigorous search for contraband goods; but the first sight which greets you on landing, is an unhappy-looking, faded shrub, (viewed at the sowing time of the year,) bedizzened with tawdry cotton rags, of blue, red and white, its trunk swathed in ungraceful folds, and innumerable little streamers attached to its twigs. This is the sacred emblem of the Republic, in order to preserve which from injury and insult, it is necessary that that great moustached and bearded soldier should be solemnly pacing up and down continually.--Why, the tree will be dead by the day after to-morrow; then at Rome it is better to do as the Romans do, and so, while passing, it is best not to laugh at the tree but preserving a respectful decorum, wend your way to your hotel. You have been seated but five minutes, before you hear and awful rattling of drums; it is the National Guard exercising in the street. Curiosity attracts you, and you gaze from the window upon (to English eyes) a very novel scene. Groups of eighteen or twenty fellows--some fat and some lean, others short, apparently boys of 14 or 15, whom one would think it unsafe to trust with a gun, are carrying long muskets, with long bayonets attached, and are being exercised therewith. Drilling being over, the drum beats again; they quit the ranks, and scatter themselves about the town, each retaining the murderous weapon, which he appears to regard with peculiar affection. You walk out, and on every public building you see the three words, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," except on the jail. They have enough sense left not to inscribe liberty on a place of incarceration. You make a few cautious inquiries of those with whom you happen to come in contact, with the intention of obtaining the average opinion in which the new stat of things is held; everywhere you hear it said that Lamartine was all very well; but he was a book-maker; he was not the man for France; he could not govern the people. Column Four Cavaignac (having [[italic]] now [[italic]] the ascendant) is [[italic]] the [[italic]] man for France! There never was any one like Cavaignac. Occasionally, a waiter will tell you, beneath his breath, that the country is in a wretched state; that nothing is doing. You investigate the cause of his complaints, and you perhaps find, if you are in a town any distance inland; that you are the first Englishman that has gladdened his eyes this year; whereas, last year, at the same season, his hotel had entertained one or two hundred of our fellow-countrymen. If you chance to sleep in the neighborhood of the main street, of what in England would be a dull, quiet town, you will be awakened by the roll of the drum, which will probably continue almost incessantly for an hour and a half. One half the time you cannot find out what this is all about. It is probable it may be traced to the reading of the proclamation of the Prefect or the sub-Prefect, which, under the great and glorious Republic, must be attended with every noisy honor. In travelling from one town to another, your horse perchance cast a a shoe, and you, unwilling to waste your time in staying to see it replaced, stroll onwards. Arriving at some scene of beauty, after gazing about for some time, altogether regardless of a number of men who are working by the roadside, you eviscerate, from the depths of your pockets, your maps and guide-book, and mayhaps produce a pencil, and begin calmly to enter in your book the result of your cogitations in arrangements for your future journey. You are startled from your occupation by a volley of oaths and execrations in your immediate vicinity, and glancing up, discover with surprise that you are the object of them. The road-makers have ceased their work.--One of them is blackguarding you with the most concentrated expressions contained in the French language , and the others are looking approvingly on their comrade, whose abuse they justify, by threatening gestures, also directed against yourself. How on earth you have offended them, you cannot imagine.--Your awkward predicament is relieved by the arrival of your carriage, into which you jump with marvelous celerity; and being now quit of the gang, you begin to attempt to extract from your driver the probable cause of the unmitigated abuse to which you have been subject. For a time you are perhaps unsuccessful; but your Jehu being a shrewd fellow, and having made particular inquiries what you were doing, suggests, that as commissions have been recently issued by General Cavaignac, with a view to the reduction of the vast clouds of ouvriers who receive government pay, you have probably been mistaken for one of their employers--the careful entries in your note-book, conjointly with the calculating expression of your face, having been deemed conclusive evidence against you. You have, perhaps, been for the moment, thoroughly frightened, and you are afterwards, perhaps, inclined to laugh at the incident, and are surprised, on giving a jocose version of it to an intelligent Frenchman, at the grave aspect he assumes, although he says nothing. Since I left, I learn that Cavaignac is declining in popularity. Who the present idol of this fickle-minded people is, I have not ascertained. Cavaignac, if the likenesses I have seen of him are good, is a most noble-looking fellow. Truth and honesty, conjoined with firmness of purpose, are written in every line of his countenance. I visited St. Malo, the birth-place of Chateaubriand, and there I saw the tomb in which he had recently been interred. Everything had been done to render the ceremony as imposing as possible. Fifty thousand people assembled to behold the spectacle. S.P.Q.R. [[line]] [[bold face type]] Help for the Cause of Justice It is constitutionally pretended in our republic, that justice is secured to all. But adult people of ordinary intelligence understand that this means, to all who can pay for it. Drayton and Sayres are poor men and cannot pay. Their case is ours. it belongs to all the free who can afford the luxury of human hearts in their bosoms. Need we call attention to the Report of the Trial Committee's treasurer, and the call appended?--Send your share of the money at once, reader. We see by the papers that sentence has been pronounced upon Sayres, on the indictments which were allowed to go against him by agreement, to wit: fines amounting to $14,800, and imprisoned till paid. Of course his counsel reserved the right of exception, and the case will be carried to a higher court, where, if there is any respect for law, the judgment will be reversed. The case of Drayton is also to be carried to the Circuit Court, and cannot fail to be decided in his favor, if a decent respect for law is not thrown overboard. But all depends upon the Committee's being furnished with the means to conduct the defence. Thus far the battle has been nobly, and beyond expectation, successfully fought for four weeks. The defence cannot show their hand, for obvious reasons, but they have a good one--one which it would be criminal to lose for the want of even ten thousand dollars. We see the Northern papers which have noticed the result of this case are quite erroneous, the N.Y. Morning Star cruelly so.--It says: "No sympathy will be felt for these men, because the evidence went to prove, that the negroes were stolen in order to carry them South and sell them; it was a base larceny, which the most fanatic abolitionist will condemn." This, as our readers know, is totally false. Sayres, in two trials, was acquitted of Larceny, the witness by whom Drayton, whose case was the same, was convicted, having retracted his testimony. Of course, whether Drayton is to have a new trial for that reason or not, the verdict against him is groundless. The prosecution utterly failed to establish any carrying away to sell. Let our readers understand the case. There were two sets of charges--one for stealing, another for transporting. Drayton was convicted of stealing. The witness who convicted him retracted, and Sayres was acquitted of stealing. By agreement, Sayres was then found guilty of transporting, in consideration of the District Attorney's giving up all the larceny cases against him. So the case stands thus: English is discharged; Drayton is held only on the larceny cases on testimony retracted since his conviction; Sayres is held only on the charge of transporting, with an appeal to the Circuit Court, and a perfect certainty that the prosecution must fail to make a case against him. --Chronotype. [[italic]] [[line]] [[small pointing hand decoration]] A letter has been received at Washington, form [sic] Gen. Cass; pledging himself, if elected to veto the Wilmot Proviso. N.O. Bee. [[line]] Hon. Joshua R. Giddings, the presentable, fearless, and true Representative of the XXth Congressional District of Ohio, has been nominated by the Whigs for re-election. The District comprises the Counties of Ashtabula, Cuyahoga, Geauga, and Lake, and is always Whig. Column Five [[bold title]] The Oregon Bill. The following incidents which occurred when the Oregon Bill came up in the House, we extract from the Washington correspondence of the New York Express: When the name of Mr. Jameson, of Mo.. was called, he rose and said that he had agreed to "pair off" upon this question with Joshua R. Giddings, and he did not vote. This was worse than a mockery, Mr. Giddings might as well have "paired off" with nobody, as Mr. J., is not in his seat one day in forty. At one o'clock and ten minutes the great vote was taken on the "Missouri Compromise" as given above. All were in their seats, and the members of the House were breathlessly silent. It was apparent that the vote would be mainly sectional, though here and there the voice of a "Northern man with Southern principles" was heard. Birdsall, of New York, self-sacrificing to the last, leading off, notwithstanding, the doom which awaits him. There were some dodgers present in the Hall, and some ready to vote for the Compromise, if their votes should be necessary to pass it; but the majority against such a Compromise was overwhelming, and the result was received as a sort of volcano in the chamber, and no one had dreams of so large a vote, or so immense a majority. Mr. McClernand, of Illinois, who reserved his vote, when his name was called, rose and voted No. After the roll had been finished, and after appearing in as many colors as the chameleon, and deeming "discretion the better part of valor," he finally voted against the Compromise. There were others in equal tribulation, but none so vacillating as the member who didn't vote at all, and finally voted both ways. It is determined beyond all peradventure now, that the Representatives of the People from the free States, dare not vote for the extension of slavery. The exceptions only make the principle sustained, and the very few men who abandon it, all the more prominent. it is hardly necessary to direct public attention to these men. If political death overtook the People's Representatives, who voted for the Slavery Compromise twenty years gone by
Do NOT continue transcribing. It will NOT save, because it is over the character limit. (I wasted an hour transcribing and it did not save).
Please note that the language and terminology used in this collection reflects the context and culture of the time of its creation, and may include culturally sensitive information. As an historical document, its contents may be at odds with contemporary views and terminology. The information within this collection does not reflect the views of the Smithsonian Institution, but is available in its original form to facilitate research. For questions or comments regarding sensitive content, access, and use related to this collection, please contact firstname.lastname@example.org.