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NEW NEGRO OPINION

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BISHOP JONES SCORES IN N.N.A. SPEECH

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goers can give the church.
The movement of the Alliance in its buy-where-you-can-wok campaign was shown by Bishop Jones as being as important as any of the most cherished Christian ideals of an individual. He emphasized that the movement decides whether a man shall live by virtue of his own desire for economic justice and his very action to secure justice.
What is regarded as the high point in Bishop Jones' address came as he cast aside his overcoat for the first time during his speech, and urged the audience to turn the activities of the Alliance into a broad channel of activity which would be a direct benefit to "the man in the lowest gutter." Storms of applause greeted this portion of the distinguished churchman's speech.
In conclusion Bishop Jones urged the New Negro Alliance to sell its idea to the public and to place but limited confidence in the "leaders" who would resign from the Alliance when its activities became too progressive. He warned the members of the organization to stand and keep up the work which had been started and prepared to fill the ranks of the organizations with sincere, roll-up-the-sleeves type of leadership.
William Henry Hastie, a member of the legal staff of the New Negro Alliance, presided over this meeting which is regarded as one of the most enthusiastic public gatherings of the organizations since its founding in August, 1933.
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OPINIONETTES

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A casual glance at the financial sections of the local papers shows a marked improvement in the prices of commodities and a decided decrease in the value of the dollar. What does it mean to the Negro?
We can no longer say with complacency that we have always been poor and have always been compelled to live on "bare existence," and that this present change does not affect the Negro any more than previous changes in values and prices. This time the Negro is being crowded out of all forms of employment. Temporary devices such as the NRA and the CWA are in such an early stage of experimentation that there is no certainty as to the specific protective measures that will be taken to assure the mass of colored people of means of earning a livelihood.
From all present indications, despite the vigilance of organizations that have fought to protect the interest of he Negro, there is still a long road to travel before the Negro receives even a fair share of the newly created forms of employment.
Arguments have been offered by officials to the effect that our race in this city has received a fair proportion of CWA work through the transfer of the entire Emergency rolls to the city payrolls. This is a definite fallacy. The Negro has never received a proportionate share in any of the Federal projects. It is true that in a few isolated instances under various administrations Negros have held signal positions in the government. These positions have, through the
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personal reputations of the holders, sated the desires of a large group of people who are at least eligible for similar jobs.
The few Negroes even in Washington, who hold Federal office are far short of the fair number of jobs which Negroes are entitled. If jobs apportioned racially are to be considered we must consider the salary scale of the Negro government workers as contrasted with the salary scale of the white worker.

What the Negro has failed to remember is that we represent one-tenth of the population of this country, and if we are to be treated fairly we must receive more than one-tenth of the Federal jobs if we are to continue to hold the small jobs which now represent ninety-five per cent of the Negroes' participation in Government service.
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