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[[4 columns]] New Negro Opinion Official Organ of the NEw NEgro Alliance 2001 Eleventh Street Northwest Phone Connections: Decatur 4237 2 Pennies Per Copy; 100 Pennies Per Year; 150 Pennies Per Year in Canada Europe, and Africa HOWARD STUDENTS AT THE CAPITOL It is amusing and disgusting to hear Congressmen, writers of newspaper articles, and some members of the public describing the little group of boys from Howard, who caused something of a sensation at the Capitol the other day, as "Communists," "reds," "hoodlums," and a "mob." Here were a few freshmen and sophomores, perhaps of an average age of eighteen, somewhat interested in a matter of vital interest to us all and at the same time not averse to a little excitement and a "good stunt." Off they went to the Capitol, sought unsuccessfully to be served, conducted a bit of a "demonstration"—quite mild in comparison to what occurs several times a year in any college community—and then retired in good order, as they say in the army. Probably it would be difficult to find one of the group who ever thought ten minutes about Communism. No doubt most of them are very inoffensive young fellows, without a serious thought to trouble their collegiate high spirits. Why then all the excitement about what they did? The truth of the matter is that a lot of people are becoming decidedly jumpy and nervous over the way Negroes are going about this restaurant business. When we are told that we cannot be served in a place we are supposed to say, "Yes, sir," and let it go at that. This thing of coming back day after day, and in larger numbers, is something new. How is it to be handled? Well, the cry of Communism still startles and alarms a good many people and it was as good a gag as any that could be thought up in this emergency. The boys are probably still a little puzzled at the notoriety they have gotten, and maybe are also a little puzzled that a lot of grown up people can be such idiots. O.K., boys; save the clippings to show your grandchildren. It will probably be lots of fun. THE HONOR ROLL OF 145 The action of 145 members of the House of Representatives who signed the DePriest petition brings before the House on April 9, the question of racial discrimination in the House restaurant. Elsewhere in this paper appear the names of the 145 who signed that petition. It is of interest that party lines were broken, but the "solid South" remained solid as ever in its bigotry and intolerance. Of the signers of the petition ninety are Republicans, fifty are Democrats, and the remaining five constitute the entire Farm-Labor delegation. Only one Representative from the states which rebelled in 1861, J. Will Taylor, of Knoxville, Tennessee, signed his name to the petition. His name should be placed at the head of the honor roll. It is to be hoped that every Negro paper in the country will publish the list of 145 and that the list will be preserved in every Negro home. Each of these men has recorded his willingness to face a vital issue squarely and honestly. We must not forget; we shall not forget. Urges Suits in Capitol Jim Crow Case A mass meeting held last Sunday at the Twelfth Street Christian Church, under the auspices of the Civic National Forum, protested against the barring of colored American citizens from the House of Representatives and Senate Public restaurants. Dr. Charles Edward Russell, white, who was one of the principal speakers at the forum, urged everyone who had been refused service by the management of the House restaurant to file suit for damages. Other speakers on the program were Harlan Glazier, white; Mrs. Charles E. Russell, Mrs. Dorothy Alden, white; the Reverend R. W. Brooks, and the Reverend J. F. Whitfield. All of these persons had been members of committees of colored and white persons who had been refused service in the restaurant of the House of Representatives. During his address Mr. Glazier gave a full account of each "interracial meeting" in the House cafe. He emphasized the number of white persons served who were not members of Congress after signs saying, "For Members Only" had been placed over the door to the restaurant. Mrs. Russel characterized the action of the cafe management as an affront to reason. She held that such action was an attempt to classify human beings on the basis of color. Persons and Affairs... By William H. Hastie "I wonder if [[?]] of American history [[fifty years?]] from now may not point [[to?]] the present fight against [[discrimination?]] in the restaurant [[of?]] the House of Representatives [[as a?]] critical point in our [[national story?]]" I wonder if [[teachers?]] of American history fifty years [[from now?]] may not point out the present [[?]] against discrimination in the [[restaurant]] of the House of Representatives [[as a?]] critical point in national history. [[The?]] Dred Scott case and the publication [[of?]] Uncle Tom's Cabin seemed no more [[important?]] when they happened, but they [[served?]] to arouse public opinion and to [[force?]] decision upon an issue that had been agitating the nation for decades. They hastened the day of abolition of human slavery in this country; this fight for equal treatment under the dome of [[the?]] Capitol may in the same way hasten [[the?]] passing of those discriminations [[which?]] the vile hangover of the slave era. A very definite attempt is being made to sidetrack this fight and to hide its true significance by attributing political designs to Representative DePriest, the central figure in the conflict. Warren of North Carolina, the Congressman who started the whole business, announced on the floor of the House that he had letters from fifty Negroes in Chicago, denouncing DePriest's action as political. Down in Warren's home state the Raleigh News and Observer states "that DePriest is in a desperate political fix in illinois and that he seized on this incident, thinking it would aid him." The fact that the bigots of the South are raising this howl should be warning enough that it is just a smoke screen. Of course, DePriest will gain votes by his action, and why shouldn't his constituents express their approval of his conduct? Recently a Negro in Chicago belonging to a different party from Mr. DePriest made considerable political capital by engineering a clean-up and beautification of park spaces in a Negro district. All such things are wholly commendable. Too long have politicians made headway by underhand methods, by trickery, by selling out the people upon whom they depend for support. Now comes a politician doing a splendid thing in a splendid way and your enemies and mine seek to discredit his efforts on the ground that he stands to gain some personal advantage. They neglect to say that any advantage Oscar DePriest may gain will be very small compared with the advantage that 12,000,000 Negroes will gain if the principle of no discrimination and no segregation by the Federal Government is established. And I venture to prophecy that any jealous or misguided Negro who fails to co-operate in this critical fight will find that he is making the mistake of his petty life. THE PROGRAM OF THE NEW NEGRO ALLIANCE To improve the economic and civic status of the Negro through 1. The securing of positions which will increase the earning capacity of our group. 2. The securing of opportunities for advancement and promotion in positions secured. 3. The [[unity?]] of the purchasing power of the Colored people to be used as a lever in securing economic advantages. 4. The [[creation?]] of bigger and better Negro business through increased [[earning?]] power of Negroes, through a better business outlook [[?ing]] from contact and experience with successful businesses [[the?]] other group, and through the stimulation of [[...Negroes?]] to higher levels of efficiency and service. 5. The concentrated support of all businesses which employ Negroes or in which Negro capital is invested. 6. Research and investigation which will discover and thoroughly analyze the possibilities for Negro Business and Negro labor in new fields. Of, By, and For the People By Laurence J. W. Hayes The Executive Council of the New Negro Alliance feels with Thomas Paine, that: "A man or a body of men holding themselves accountable to nobody ought not to be trusted [[by?]] anybody." This sentiment [[?]] shown by the articles of the [[Constitution?]] recently adopted by the [[Executive?]] Council. A document, providing a more representative form of government [[for?]] an organization, has never been read by this writer. The committee gives to the members of the New Negro Alliance virtual control of the organization. [[According?]] to a copy of the Constitution which I have before me: "The general management of the New Negro Alliance shall be vested in an 'Executive Council' which shall be composed of the exectuive officers (10 in number), the deputy administrators (13 in number to be elected by members of the New Negro Alliance from the district which they will represent on the council) and three other persons (not officers) to be selected from the membership by the executive officers and deputy administrators." 212 PERSONS NEEDED Can you beat this for an organization "of, by, and for the people?" A district, over which a deputy administrator shall have immediate supervision, shall conform (I believe) in size to a police precinct. The deputy administrator shall have immediate supervision over the activities of their districts, and shall have power to appoint such persons as they may desire to assist in their work. I think some 212 persons are needed as block workers in each district as there will be sufficient work for anyone who desires to help the cause. Those of you who are familiar with the political divisions of a city know the importance of ward leaders and the importance they attach to their district captains and block workers. In an organization of this type, one can easily understand the significance of that age-old maxim: "A chain is as strong as its weakest link." DEMOCRATIC GROUP It is not my purpose in this article to explain the entire constitution but merely to mention two or three vital sections which I think will convince you that the writers of it have tried to the best of their ability to draw up a constitution (Continued on page 4) "Keep up fight," says Alliance Friend To the Editor NEW NEGRO OPINION. Dear Sir: I have been following with a great deal of interest the work of the New Negro Alliance, and am most anxious to see it continue and succeed. At the place where I work there are several fellows who are also interested in your efforts, but feel that they should be directed along different lines, i.e., that you should devote all of your attention to the development of better Negro business. We have had many arguments on this subject. Now I content that you are perfectly right in proceeding just as you have done. There is no question in my mind that a lot of good can be gained for our race if white businesses are forced to hire our young men and women in decent jobs such as their education prepares them for. In the first place these white businesses are already established, and are making thousands of dollars off of their Negro customers, while our boys and girls are coming out of school with nothing to do. Therefore, the most logical first step in solving this problem of unemployment is to make a place for our youth in these white businesses. We deserve these jobs and we should have them. In the second place, the white man has been studying business methods for a long time, while business is a new field for Negroes. If we can get jobs for colored people in established white businesses, they can learn by actual experience some of the principles which make the white man so successful. Then, if necessary, they can take that experience and put it to work in businesses of their own——businesses which will be able to compete with any white business. Another reason why you should first work on the white businesses rather than to go in form building up Negro concerns is because it takes money as well as experience and training to run a business. We, as a race, don't have much capital, and those of us who have it don't seem to be willing to trust it in someone else's hands. If, then, we don't have money enough to set up a chain of stores which can compete with the A. & P. Stores, why, the next best thing seems to be to put our boys in the A. and P. Stores as clerks and managers. (Continued on page 4)
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Kept stories together and separate by double returns
