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represented as in the interest of the Negro people. The New Deal and the N.R.A. is hailed by them as a New Deal for the Negroes. The Pittsburgh Courier, unofficial mouthpiece of the N.A.A.C.P., is at the same time the foremost spokesman in support of the New Deal policies among Negroes. Its pages and editorials literally scream with paeans of praise for the Roosevelt New Deal administration. The sharpening of national oppression under the New Deal, the legalized discrimination and lower status of the Negro workers in the N.R.A. codes, the chauvinistic policy of wholesale replacement of Negroes by white workers further to divide the Negro and white toilers, particularly in the South, the legalized robbery and plunder of the Negro farming masses through the cotton plow-under program and the vicious Bankhead Bill--all of this (according to these leaders), is not the fundamental objective of the whole New Deal policy This worsening of the living conditions of the Negro masses, this further attack upon their political rights is represented merely as the result of "individual injustices" in the local application of the New Deal policy. Thus, the fight of the Negro toilers is made to appear not a fight against the fascist New Deal policy, but merely a fight for fairness in the application of this policy. Thus, the Joint Committee on National Recovery--a united front of Negro reformist organizations, sponsored by the N.A.A.C.P. and the National Urban League, with headquarters in Washington, has as its declared policy the fight for "fair play for Negroes within the N.R.A." through co-operation with the administrators of the N.R.A., C.W.A., P.W.A., etc., bringing to the attention of these officials grievances of Negro toilers, acting in an unofficial advisory capacity of the New Deal administration. Of course, all this activity of the Negro reformist leaders around the New Deal has for its purpose the disorganizing and confusing of the Negro masses in their growing

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resentment to these fascist policies, and is designed also to distort the aims of the rising movement among the Negroes, thereby crippling their growing opposition to the advancing fascist reaction of the Roosevelt New Deal.

The Costigan-Wagner "Anti-Lynching Bill -- Weapon of the Lynchers

Of a similar nature is the latest maneuver of the N.A.A.C.P. leaders in regard to the struggle against lynching--the so-called Costigan-Wagner Anti-Lynching Bill. According to its sponsors, the lynching of Negroes will be stopped by the mere enactment of another law. This, in face of the fact that the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments of the U. S. Constitution, purporting to guarantee the rights of the Negroes, are daily violated ; in face of the fact that even so-called anti-lynching laws in a number of States have by no means halted the work of the lynchers. But this is not all !  The Costigan-Wagner Bill not only fosters illusions ; the sinister and reactionary purposes of this bill, its fascist character as a weapon against labor and against the Negro masses, is most clearly revealed in the clause defining a "mob." A "mob" is defined as "three or more people acting in concert without the authority of the law for the purpose of depriving any person of his life or doing him physical injury." Is it not clear that this clause puts a weapon in the hands of the lynchers of the Negro people? Any mass demonstration of workers, picketing a strike, a demonstration of sharecroppers against the local landlord, or for that matter, a mass defense action against lynching itself, could be defined as a "mob," and the participants prosecuted under this so-called "anti-lynch law." The law would legalize the shooting down

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