Viewing page 9 of 35

contrary, we know that even the most "perfect" bill means nothing unless backed by a revolutionary policy.

What is a revolutionary policy against lynching? Such a policy must have as its primary aim the mass mobilization of Negro and white toilers in revolutionary struggles against the lynchers, outside of bourgeois courts and legislative bodies. This alone can guarantee the defeat of the lynchers. Our Bill is not a substitute for struggle. On the contrary, it is an instrument for stirring up mass struggles; a weapon with which to clarify and mobilize the toilers in militant mass defense action outside of and against all bourgeois legal traps which are in reality the tools of the lynchers. Precisely in this lies the basic difference between our revolutionary tactics and the tactics of the reformists. The best "bill" against lynching is militant demonstrations of tens of thousands of white and Negro toilers on the streets and in the factories, beating back the lynchers.

It is urgently necessary that we seriously undertake the development of the widest campaign for the L.S.N.R. "Bill of Civil Rights." A nation-wide signature drive in support of this Bill must be immediately launched. The Bill must be brought before all toilers Negro and white, into the shops, mines, factories, all mass organizations. Resolutions should be adopted. Delegations of Negro and white workers must present this Bill before Senators, Congressmen, State and local officials, demanding that they endorse this measure. It must be brought forward in every struggle, strike, and demonstration. At the same time, the Bill must be used as an instrument for developing militant mass actions of Negro and white toilers in all localities for the immediate and specific demands of the Negro masses against the Jim Crow and lynch system.

The campaign around this Bill must result in the building up of the L.S.N.R. into a real mass organization uniting

14



Negro and white toilers in the struggle for Negro liberation. In this task of building up the L.S.N.R., we must once for all depart from the stage of resolutions and decisions on paper to the actual organization of mass struggles for Negro rights. And in this, the campaign against lynching and for civil rights gives us an excellent opportunity. The L.S.N.R. can be built up only in such struggles.

The Program for a Jim-Crow Federation of Labor

The activities of the Negro reformists in the present situation are not only confined to the field of politics. More and more they are increasing their activities in the field of economic struggles of the Negro workers. As the Negro proletariat advance towards hegemony in the Negro liberation struggle, the Negro reformists attempt to stave off this advance. We find now the N.A.A.C.P. leaders issuing demagogic telegrams to Rosevelt [[Roosevelt]] and N.R.A. administrators, "protesting" against isolated cases of maltreatment of Negro workers under the the N.R.A. codes, C.W.A., P.W.A., sending of delegations to participate in code hearings in the various industries where masses of Negroes are employed. This they do in order to pose as the friends of the Negro workers. These activities also include participation in local and regional N.R.A. boards, setting up of Emergency Advisory Committees on the Recovery Program. Of course, in every strike situation involving masses of Negro workers, local Negro reformists have been called in by the capitalists to play a strikebreaking role--Chicago, Detroit, Birmingham, etc.

But now, the nation-wide mass movement of workers for the establishment of trade unions is involving hundreds of thousands of Negro workers in the basic industries of the country. This has impelled the Negro reformist leaders to embark upon an active campaign of organizing Negro toilers

15

Transcription Notes:
Roosevelt is misspelled as Rosevelt (for search).

Please note that the language and terminology used in this collection reflects the context and culture of the time of its creation, and may include culturally sensitive information. As an historical document, its contents may be at odds with contemporary views and terminology. The information within this collection does not reflect the views of the Smithsonian Institution, but is available in its original form to facilitate research. For questions or comments regarding sensitive content, access, and use related to this collection, please contact transcribe@si.edu.