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In the developing struggles of the masses of South Africa against the offensive of the capitalists, the black and white masses are beginning to unite and take up the counter-offensive. A number of strikes have recently taken place, especially among the garment workers. In this industry we have the following situation: On the one side we have a number of native unions which are affiliated to the African Federation of Trade Unions, which is a section of the R.I.L.U., and on the other hand, we have some independent unions. But the bulk of the workers are in exclusively white unions affiliated to the reactionary Labour Council.

In spite of the terror of the police, in the splitting tactics of the reformists in Cape Town and the attacks of the Labour Department, the revolutionary Garment Workers' Union was not only able to fight back the attempted wage cut of from 10 to 15 shillings, but it was also able to win certain demands in a counter offensive against the employers. Nevertheless there is a theory among some of our comrades in South Africa that in the present period it is impossible to develop independent strike leadership, that we do not have the necessary organizational strength for the development of independent strike leadership, and that we must have a combination with the reformists in an attempt to win any of our demands from the bosses. These false theories must be strongly combatted.

Another very important struggle int he recent period was the strike of the native workers in Durban last December against the pass law which involved about 6,000 workers. May Day 1931 was the first time in the history of South African labor movement that white and black workers came out together in a strong united front, struck, and demonstrated against the capitalists.

In a strike of the garment workers in Johannesburg a few months ago we witnessed the reformist leadership calling the workers out on strike but after the workers left the shops the leaders concluded a secret agreement with the bosses and withdrew strike demands. The reformist leaders openly betrayed the workers by excluding the native workers from membership in this union, and from joint struggle with the white workers, thereby carrying out the imperialists policy of splitting up the working class.

In South Africa we have had for a long period up until the last few months the following disgraceful opportunist situation: A number of members of the Communist Party held responsible posts in certain independent white unions. Despite the fact that there were many possibilities to draw these white unions closer to the African Federation of Trade Unions in joint struggle, these opportunists held the theory that the time was not ripe to affiliate the white unions to the Federation. The result was, that within these white unions the comrades carried out a complete reformist policy of isolating these organizations from the general revolutionary trade union movement. Now of course most of these elements have been expelled. This now open up possibilities are for our revolutionary trade union movement to develop, and to attract the rank and file white workers who have shown since May 1st their readiness to struggle alongside of the native workers against the common enemy of the South African bourgeoisie.

In the West Indies we have also had a number of struggles recently, particularly in Haiti where in the last few months no less than 5 strikes occurred; in the lumber, coffee and transport industries. In all these strikes, the workers were successful in winning their demands.

Activities of the Negro Reformists.

There is one thing that must be taken into consideration and that is the class character of the recent struggles of the Negro masses which is exemplified particularly in the strikes in South Africa of white and black and secondly in the growing movement of joint action between Negro and white workers in the United States.

As a result of the increasing spirit of unrest among the Negro workers, we see the role of the Negro reformists who are openly going over to into the camp of the imperialists, aiding the white capitalist exploiters in their attempt to suppress the revolts of the Negro masses. Our revolutionary movement has not sufficiently combatted or taken energetic steps to expose these Negro reformists.

In the United States this treachery has been examplified, first of all, by wide sections of the Negro press in the Scottsboro case joining with the lynchers in attacking the International Labor Defense, the Communists and the revolutionary trade union movement. And secondly, the development within the labor movement of black social-fascism as shown by Randolph in the Pullman Porters Union who uses "left" phrases with a socialist tinge, but is trying to drag the Negro workers into the camp of the white social fascists - the American Federation of Labor, aiding Green to Jim Crow the black workers thereby openly betraying.

In South Africa we have seen the complete surrender of Kadalie and Champion to the British and Dutch imperialists and their fascist dictator, Pirow, while the "good boys" like professors Thaele and Jabavu are nothing else but black traitors and judases - the greatest enemies of the native toiling masses. We must expose and fight more than ever against the policy of the Negro reformists, the black agents of the imperialist robbers.

The Tasks Before Us.

Comrades, in conclusion I want to say that the Nero revolutionary trade union movement, particularly in South Africa, which is still a young section of the R.I.L.U., with 5000 members, has started to make a turn in its work.

Formerly it concentrated mainly in the light industry and was able to draw to it the natives in the clothing, furniture, tobacco and laundry industries. Now it is beginning to give attention to the mining industry and transport workers.

Groups are being organized in these basic industries prior to building of unions.

There are certain definite shortcomings of the African Federation of Trade Unions especially regarding a clear policy, a clear program of struggle, the development of cadres and the development of conscious leadership for our movement. Nevertheless we see already in the last few months a turn towards the line laid down by the 5th Congress to organize the majority of the working class into the African Federation of Labor. The task before us particularly in the African colonies is to consolidate the influence that we have, not only in South Africa but among the workers in Sierra Leone and in the other sections, to organize the workers to begin actually on the task of forming strong trade unions in these sections so that we may draw them into the orbit of the revolutionary movement.

In order to carry out this task we must put into effect the decisions of the 5th Congress of the R.I.L.U. The National Sections of the R.I.L.U. must make a racial change in their activities among the colonial workers. The question of organizing the Negro workers together with the white workers in the struggle against imperialism and draw them into the revolutionary unions, this is the task which confronts the national sections of the R.I.L.U.