Viewing page 8 of 11

"Aryanism," the reactionary race theory which was picked up and utilized by the Southern slaveholders as a justification of their enslavement of the Negroes, and later employed by the Southern landlords and their Wall Street allies, in their maintenance of the national oppression of the Negroes, has now become the chief ideological weapon of the forces of fascism in the United States. Bilbo, Ellender and company gave a demonstration of this in their vicious, un-American, subversive filibuster of the Anti-Lynch Bill.


The rabid, reactionary, fascist cliques in the United States are striving to revive this theory (with fascist consent, of course) which Hitler has developed to unheard of levels. Anti-Semitism and Negrophobia thus stem from the same source. Some time ago there used to be heard certain speculations that in the United States, anti-Semitism would always be negligible, because here all hatred would be directed against the Negroes. Such speculation belies the traditional method of reaction in its linking up of the anti-Negro, the anti-Catholic, and the anti-Semitic, utilizing as its demagogic appeal, the "White Protestant American." Finance Capital needs additional weapons to divide the people; that is why they need anti-Semitism. They cannot chatter about the exploitation of Negro Bankers. Anti-Semitism and anti-Negroism are indissolubly interconnected, and both rise simultaneously. Secretary Harold L. Ickes stressed this fact in his speech at Chicago, on April 3, 1938, when he declared: "...One has only to turn his mind from the international Klu Kluxism of fascism, to the Klu Kluxism that is natively American, in order to discover here a rich field for oppressions and terrorisms. Against this background it is not difficult to foresee that fascism, if it should ever become established in this country, would have not only its Jewish devil,


it would have its Negro devil, its Catholic devil, to say nothing of an assorted variety of other devils, fashioned out of different nationalities and religious groups."


The Negro people expressed themselves in no uncertain terms against the persecution of the Jews by Hitler.  Every leader, from the outstanding organizations of the Negro people, spoke, voicing the sentiments of their people. Numerous letters to the press indicated the resentment of the Negro people against Hitler's attacks upon the Jewish people.

Hitler has declared: "on one point we must, in the final analysis, be absolutely clear: France is, and remains, an enemy-to-the-death of the German people. . . . France, a country which is reputedly becoming bastardized and negroid, constitutes an eternal danger to the white race of Europe."——Mein Kampf.

Hitler, who bellows for the return of the former German African colonies, who is angling for the West Indian Islands, laments what he terms the "mild" rule of British imperialism.  He announces, through the semi-official organ of the Nazi Foreign Office, "Diplomatische Politische Korrespondenz":

"In Jamaica the British Administration has tolerated the proletarianization of the natives, and permitted the development of European ideas of class warfares,impoverishment, dissatisfaction,and finally bolshevization." . . . and indicates that a "new spirit" is called for in colonial affairs——"the spirit, for instance, which Italy displays in her imperial possessions in Ethiopia."

The Hitler attitude toward Negroes is further disclosed in a ruling of the Nazi courts in the case of a young German farmer whose great-great-grandmother had been a Mulatto.  The Nazi courts ruled that "the establishment of the existence of colored blood must necessarily lead to inability to become a peasant on German land.  The requirements of

Please note that the language and terminology used in this collection reflects the context and culture of the time of its creation, and may include culturally sensitive information. As an historical document, its contents may be at odds with contemporary views and terminology. The information within this collection does not reflect the views of the Smithsonian Institution, but is available in its original form to facilitate research. For questions or comments regarding sensitive content, access, and use related to this collection, please contact