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36 THE CRISIS

The San Francisco Call and Post says: "The young school girl of Oakland, Miss Virginia Stephens, who first suggested 'Jewel City' as the pet name for the fair has great reason to be proud of her faculty for striking a popular note and for seizing on the word which to the world becomes obviously the right one."

We regret to say that when it as discovered that Miss Stephens had colored blood there was a sudden silence on the part of the press and the only recognition ever given to her was a season ticket to the grounds.

St. Louis:
The real estate group that is working on a segregation ordinance have found an effective ally in the photo-play, "The Birth of the Nation." In order to exhibit this play in St. Louis the producers had to secure an injunction restraining the order of the city authorities forbidding its production. Representatives of the real estate men stand at the doors of the theatre as the audience file out distributing copies of a weekly which is published by them under the name of "The Home Defender" and which purports "to disseminate truth in defense of St. Louis Homes." In contrast to this publication is a pamphlet by the Rev. George E. Stevens, pastor of the Central Baptist Church, called "Negro Segregation, a Measure to Assassinate a Race," which has the endorsement of ten thousand colored citizens. 

Since the segregation issue was first raised the N. A. A. C. P. has been actively at work. One of its field agents, Miss Kathryn M Johnson, has been in St. Louis for some time. During September over five thousand people have been reached through meetings which Miss Johnson addressed and which were held in the following churches: Lane Tabernacle Metropolitan A. M. E. Zion, St. Paul's Chapel, Central Baptist, First Baptist, Union Memorial, and McPheeter's Presbyterian; also at the Sumner High School, Booker T. Washington Theatre, and the Young Women's Christian Association. The ministers of the city have been generous in devoting part of the morning and evening services to speakers from the Branch and have assisted in the work in many other ways. In this connection special mention should be made of the Rev. J. W. Lowe, Rev. George Stevens, Rev. B. F. Abbott, and Rev. F. F. Martin. 
The Women's Auxiliary of the Finance Committee of the Branch has commenced a campaign for funds and in co-operation with Miss Johnson have secured the names of over a thousand people pledged to interest themselves and to contribute.

WE go to press too early to include more than the mention of a report just received from Mr. Wilson describing the valuable work being done by our Boston Branch which has recently published a pamphlet entitled "Fighting a Vicious Film" which it is distributing broadcast throughout the country. The pamphlet includes letters, speeches and evidence used in the protest the Branch made against the film "The Birth of a Nation." In the next issue will also be included a description of the action of the Ohio Board of Censors in prohibiting this play, and the report from a London correspondent that is soon to be shown in England. 

ON October 18th Miss Nerney, Secretary of the N. A. A. C. P., will start on a trip through the Middle West which will include the following cities in the order indicated: Columbus, Springfield, Dayton and Cincinnati, Ohio, Indianapolis, Ind., St. Louis, Mo., Toledo and Cleveland, Ohio.

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THE MEDAL PRESENTED MR. HAMMOND
(See page 13)


THE RISK OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE
By KELLY MILLER
The August number of The Crisis contained an interesting symposium on woman suffrage. The symposium was unusual, in that it involved only one side of a disputed issue. The contributors represent some of the ablest and most thoughtful names among us. They presented, presumably, the best possible putting of the cause espoused. The public, however, should not be misled to suppose that they represent the general attitude of the colored race on that question. Despite the ardent advocacy and plausible pleas of the propagandists, I am wholly unable to see wherein the experiment of woman suffrage promises any genuine advantage to social wellbeing. 

The human race is divided horizontally by age, vertically by sex and diagonally by race. Each individual passes from the minor to the adult stage in course of a life time; the cleavage of race is subject to indefinite modification through environment and intermingling of blood; but sex is the one fixed and unalterable separatrix of mankind. The function of sex in human economy is clearly defined and well understood. The bearing and rearing of the young constitute chief duty and responsibility to the female, and this task absorbs her highest energies during the most energetic period of her life. The family constitutes the fundamental social unit. Woman's sphere of activity falls mainly within while man's field of action lies largely without the domestic circle. This represents the traditional and, presumably, the ideal relation between the sexes. It has the sanction of divine authority and the test of human experience. Woman suffrage could not possibly enhance the harmoniousness of this relationship, but might seriously jeopardize it. 
Woman is physically weaker than man and is incapable of competing with him in the stern and strenuous activities of public and practical life. In the final analysis, politics is a game of force, in which no weakling may expect to be assigned a conspicuous role. 

As part of her equipment for motherhood, woman has been endowed with finer feelings and a more highly emotional nature than man. She shows tender devotion and self sacrifice for those close to her by ties of blood and bonds of endearment. But by the universal law of compensation, she loses in extension what is gained in intensity. She lacks the sharp sense of public justice and the common good, if they seem to run counter to her personal feeling and interest. She is far superior to man in purely personal and private virtue, but is his inferior in public qualities and character. Suffrage is not a natural right, like life and liberty. The common sense of mankind has always limited it by age, sex, possession, attainment and moral character. It is merely a convenient agency through which to secure the best result of government, and to make secure life, liberty and happiness to all. It cannot be maintained that woman is deprived of any of these objects under male suffrage. It is inconceivable that man would legislate against his wife and daughter, who are dearer to him than life itself, and who, he knows, must fall back upon his strong arm for protection, whether they be given the suffrage or not.
 
The historical hardships and legal disabilities against which women complain so bitterly were incidental imperfections of social development. Most of these have already been swept away, as all of them are bound to be, by man's growing sense of justice and fair play. 
Female suffrage has been tried in twelve states of the Union, but so far no genuine public benefit has resulted therefrom, nor has the lot of woman been ameliorated more rapidly than in other states under exclusive male suffrage.

There may be some argument for suffrage for unfortunate females, such as widows and hopeless spinsters, but such status is not contemplated as a normal social relation. 

Woman as voters would undoubtedly stand against the purely masculine vices such as drunkenness and social evil, but they can be equally or even more