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good citizen. I earnestly beg the city council and mayor for an appropriation to build more schoolhouses or rent such adequate quarters as is necessary to accommodate the children, and also for the restoration of the eighth grade in colored schools."



The South is gleeful over the disfranchisement of Negroes in the Republican party. The Augusta Chronicle says: "It is not necessary to point out that reduction of southern representation in a Republican nominating convention means reduction of the Negro representation. Whatever the Republican party officials may say, this representation reduction, at this time, will appear as a sop to the Roosevelt Republicans. Roosevelt Republicans coddle the Negro in the North and slap him in the face in the South.

"To deliver this sop, the Republican party is punishing the southern Negro in a way the Southern Negro will feel his punishment-punishing him for his steadfastness. For, say what you will of the southern Negro delegate to the average Republican convention, but for the allegiance of the southern Negro to home instructions at Chicago in 1912- at a time when money by the thousands was flaunted in his face by Roosevelt advocates- there would be precious little Republican party to-day."

Many persons, colored and white, have wondered what Bishop Alexander Walters thought of President Wilson, whom he, as one of the leaders of the colored Democrats helped to elect. In the recent letter to the New York World the Bishop says:

"More than a half-million Negroes are voting to-day, and they too must certainly be a factor in the defeat of the Democratic party this year, for nearly all of them voted the Republican ticket.

"In the election of 1912 the Negroes gave the largest vote ever given by them to the Democratic party and helped to elect the national ticket. They were assured by Mr. Wilson before election that in the event of his election he would give to the black man not 'meagre but absolute justice.' The Negro took him at his word, rejoicing that it was the first time since emancipation that a Democratic nominee had made so fair a promise."

After showing President Wilson's failure to keep is word, Bishop Walters adds: 

"Is it not time that our Democratic friends be awakened to the fact that the black man is a factor in American politics?

"There are ten or twelve millions of colored people in this country, and not once in two years has the President of this great Republic called in a committee of this vast host without representation in Congress to consult with them concerning their welfare.

"Another thing which has caused us to be discredited in the eyes of the world is that out of this ten million colored citizens not one is invited to a social function at the White House, and in this said to be greatest democracy in the world! No wonder that America throughout the world the world is branded as a nation of hypocrites."



The Nation says on one of the questions before the Supreme Court:

"Such laws as the Oklahoma 'grandfather-clause' law are not numerous, having existed only in North Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, and Oklahoma; while that in Louisiana expired by self-limitation in 1899, and that in North Carolina in 1908. The clause in the State of Georgia will similarly expire on the first of January, 1915, and in Oklahoma alone has it been made permanent. There is therefore special reason, in spite of the small Negro population, for contesting the indefensible distinction it makes. Like the others, it would permit literate and property-holding Negroes and whites to vote alike, but while it excluded illiterate or propertyless Negroes- and only the justice of election officers would prevent the classification of almost all colored applicants under these heads- it would permit the registration of any illiterate or propertyless white whose father or grandfather  had been a voter in 1866. Such laws are deeply objectionable in themselves, and in the lesson they give the population in racial discrimination in other matters; while they add new difficulties to the whole task of giving the Negro an adequate civic education."

There is evidence, however, that the Supreme Court will continue to dodge the Negro problem. In July, 1913, a Negro, Carl 


Oliver, of Galveston, Texas, found a white man in his home. He killed his wife and the white man. Texas justice acquitted him in the case of his wife and convicted him for killing the man! The case came to the Supreme Court and was dismissed because Oliver's attorneys failed - to have the record printed!

The decision of the Bar Association on "Negroes and Women" does not satisfy papers like the New York Tribune. 

"While it has receded somewhat from its previous stand barring Negroes from membership, the American Bar Association has not removed that issue by shifting responsibility for their admission or exclusion to its executive committee. Neither has it taken a square stand- or a sensible one-in placing women lawyers who seek membership in the same category of undesirables. Negroes, without regard to their sex may and do become useful and respected members of the bar under State laws. They have every right to aspire to membership in what purports to be the leading and representative lawyers' association of the country. For them to be held off in this fashion in this day of progress inevitably raises the query whether there is something in the theory and practice of the law which causes a lawyer to be something less than a reasoning human being."

The American Bar Association has long been a social club of Southern whites and is not taken very seriously by lawyers of high standing. 



THE CRISIS raises its hat to the fascinating St. Luke's Herald after reading its Frank retraction of a statement about Howard University:

"We have sinned, and in sackcloth and ashes we bow our head. We are guilty of a 'curious error,' and we start off by humbly apologizing to Howard University for saying 'the walls bear not one Negro face.' In saying this, we did not say exactly what we meant, hence we committed a 'curious error.' Next, we go down before Dr. DuBois in sorrow and acute distress, and apologize for the loss of reliability in his estimation. It is hard to bear such loss, but we hope to retrieve our loss by being very, very careful ever hereafter."

The A. M. E. Church Review shows courage and discrimination in its criticism of the Bench of Bishops: 

"There are evidences which point to the fact that, at times, the 'Bench of Bishops' is itself leaderless. True, they are equals; we have no Archbishop; but a 'Bench of Bishops,' like a cabinet or the ministry of a government, needs one or more guiding spirits whose superior wisdom and largeness of vision command adherence. Take the matter of the proposed 'Centennial Fund.' It was attacked as not legalized and upon grounds that clearly showed an animus without foundation in the general sentiment of the church. Here was an opportunity that could only come once in a century to strengthen our educational and other general interests. But some of the Bishops were either timid or indifferent; hence, as a conventional movement, it has fallen to the ground, but where properly presented it has met with prompt and generous response."

The A. M. E. Church is probably the greatest Negro organization on earth but it needs for that very reason the fire of intelligent, internal criticism if it is to survive and grow.

The Afro-American Ledger Says:

"The time has arrived when the traveling colored people all over the country should make a strong protest to the powers-that-be of the conditions that we are compelled to undergo in traveling in the southern part of this country. It is almost impossible to secure decent accommodations, either in day coaches or in Pullman cars. Ticket agents will deliberately lie when application is made for a reservation, and if one wants a meal it is almost a matter of impossibility to secure it. Sometimes they will accommodate you, but when all the white people who are on the train have been served and before."

The Ledger then adds to the gayety of nations by concluding with this fine Irish bull:

"Conditions are as bad as they can possibly be and we have got to do something about it in some way or it will in all probability be worse."

It is hardly necessary to add that the handsome brown-faced editor of the excellent Ledger rejoices in the name of Murphy. 

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