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"Degenerate Democracy" Mr. Mckee sums up the case in these words: 

"There are, then, three primary problems (interwoven with may lesser ones) that must be solved quickly by the people of the United States. In their solution we decide whether our country shall go forward as a progressive, increasingly prosperous, contented and secure nation; or whether, upon the advent of our next perfectly inevitable period of economic disorder and depression, we shall fall into the economic and political chaos and universal ruin which we seem at this moment to have but narrowly escaped. The problems are these: 

"(1) Our government, as at present organized and carried on, has proved itself incompetent and unsuited to its task. It has all but failed in the present crisis. In view of its progressive deterioration, by comparison with the growing complexity and magnitude of its problems, it will not survive the next great crisis unless it shall be so modified that it shall contain under constitutional regulation those powers and qualities the lack of which gives rise to the vague suggestion of dictatorship. 

"(2) Our economic organization, while the most productive in all history during occasional long periods, is developing internal forces and characteristics which will destroy it unless it is understood, guided and controlled. 

"(3) The causes of periodic unemployment must be intelligently understood; and unemployment must be regarded not as something to be relieved by doles and charity and the frantic application of the remedies of political quackery, but as a social evil whose causes must be permanently eradicated. 

"If it is assumed that these things can be generally understood and corrected before it is too late to do so, then it becomes unnecessary to accept the view now frequently and seriously expressed, that our American systems of business and government are doomed. This dismal fate, however, will certainly be difficult to escape unless both the causes and cures are widely recognized, and the correctives are promptly applied". 

OUR GOVERNMENT'S WEAKNESS 

In the course of his book, Mr. McKee points out that the weakness of our government is in its becoming increasingly a democratic government and less and less a representative government. He also develops the thesis long ago maintained by Woodrow Wilson in his book, "Congressional Government," that the chief weakness of the American government lies in the absence of Cabinet responsibility. Unless the President of the United States is able so to amass public opinion behind himself that he can become practically a dictator over Congress, the undertaking by each individual Congressman and Senator to govern the country results in little or nothing being done. 

Such was the impasse in the second half of the Hoover administration. The President had little or no hold on the public opinion of the Nation, and the heterogeneous forces at work in Congress simply neutralized one another. There was plenty of ability in the administration and in the Congress, but in the absence of definite responsibility somewhere for acting, this wisdom could not be mobilized and made effective. 

SHOULD TRUST THOSE IN POWER 

Such is the fundamental problem of democracy, and it would seem to be the reason why peoples everywhere are coming to realize that there must be come control exercised over the very forces which are embodied in the power the people themselves have. That control must be concentrated so that governments can act. Woodrow Wilson used to say that if he employed a chauffeur he allowed the chauffeur to run his car unhampered by any interference from the back seat. If he found later that his chauffeur was corrupt or incompetent he could get another one. But as long as he had that particular chauffeur he allowed him to do his job and run the car. So, he argued, we should trust our governors, and replace them when they lose our confidence. 

The most striking political fact of modern times is not that monarchies have been overthrown but that peoples are changing their own conception of their power and the way to use it. Following a war fought to "make the work safe for democracy," we witness a series of revolutions the results of which have certainly not reinforced "democracy." Turkey, Russia, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Spain, Japan, Germany--in all these countries the democratic impulse had been superseded by some form of dictatorship. 

DICTATORSHIP TREND DANGEROUS 

That the movement toward dictatorship involves serious dangers is expressed in a manifesto issued on March 24, 1933, by the Labor leaders of Great Britain, day in part: 

"Elected representatives have been imprisoned by triumphant reaction. Persecution and terror have overthrown freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Religious and racial intolerance in its vilest forms has reappeared. Masses of the working class electors--divided between communism and social democracy--have fallen victims to fascism and reawakened militarism. 

"The reaction the upper classes throughout Europe has strengthened the demand for dictatorship of the working-class. The fear of the dictatorship of the working-class in turn has evoked the iron dictatorship of capitalism and nationalism. Reaction on the 'Right' had bred reaction on the 'Left.' Reaction  

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of the 'Left' is displaced by triumphant reaction of the 'Right.' Democratic principles have been shattered by the machine-gun--the ballot has been destroyed by the bullet."

THE ORDEAL OF DEMOCRACY 

The putting into power of a national government in Great Britain undoubtedly represented for the time being an abandonment of the traditional parliamentary government in that country. On the whole the movement was conservative. The activities of our own government since President Roosevelt assumed office have moved in the same direction, also toward a mild dictatorship and abandonment of the free operation of Congressional government, but here the movement is not reactionary in its trend. 

The unrestricted operation of democratic forces is everywhere being surrendered to the direction of a powerful administrative organization. Such measures would seem to be in the direction of at least making action possible and of creating a governmental organism which can at least cope more effectively, however wisely, with the gigantic economic, financial and social problems which society must undertake to solve. But democracies may well hold on to their power of correcting their own mistakes, and not allow the movement toward dictatorship to go too far. In other words, just as it is necessary to cure the evils of capitalism without destroying its principle of growth, so it is essential to protect the principles of growth inherent in democracy itself. It is clear, too, that a well-ordered democracy will acquire an effective ability to recognize, select and follow the superior men which are born of its own flesh and blood. 

THE GOAL OF DEVELOPMENT 

In this connection I would also refer to a book entitled "Karl Marx's Capital" by Dr. A. D. Lindsay, Master of Balliol College, Oxford. Master Lindsay analyzes vigorously the strength and at the same time the fundamental weakness of Karl Marx's theory. In the course of his book, Master Lindsay, paraphrasing Marx, gives utterance to a statement which may well be commended to those who despair of saving that which is a good in modern capitalism without being forced to fall back upon destructive extremes in the other direction : 

"The goal of historical development is the achievement of human freedom. So long as society as a whole does not control economic forces, economic forces will control society." 

Let us then summarize the argument. The goal of historical development is indeed the achievement of human freedom. Socialism makes but little contribution toward this end. The development of capitalistic forces, while it has produced results of great excellence and beneficence, has at the same time disclosed grave weaknesses and perpetrated grievous wrongs. The strength of capitalism throughout its long history has consisted chiefly in its ability to produce leaders from among its own ranks, capable of righting those wrongs as their nature became more and more clear. 

Coincident with the development of modern capitalism has come that of democracy and universal suffrage. The supreme merit of democracy is its ability to correct its own mistakes. It should bring into play the healthy, productive forces of the whole community. The weakness of democracy is its slowness to act, frequently its failure to act at all, and sometimes its tendency to act impetuously. 

MUST CONTROL ECONOMIC FORCES 

Meanwhile, stupendous economic forces have been let loose, more highly organized than ever before, through the inventions of science and the growth of the corporation. These forces must be controlled, while at the same time their essential vigor and strength, contributing to progress and human welfare, are maintained. 

The fertilizing, fructifying principles involved in capitalism must be preserved. To deal with these forces in the interests of society as a whole, individual governments must be so organized as to be able to mobilize the intelligence, the ingenuity, the wisdom, and the power of democracy so as to solve these problems constructively. 

As Lawrence Dennis, in his book, "Is Capitalism Doomed?" says, "The capitalistic system has not failed in service, but society has failed in command of it." 

If, coincidentally with an improvement in the organization of government, we are at the same time able so to reshape and reorganize the spirits of men in the direction of a greater unselfishness and practical benevolence toward their fellow beings, all the processes of society will increasingly move in the direction of establishing greater equality and greater opportunity for every human being. 

OUR INTERDEPENDENT WORLD 

We can never forget that we live upon a planet every part of which is interdependent, both politically and economically. If the forces at work are to be effectively controlled and the virtuous features of them preserved for the benefit of mankind, the activities of governments themselves must be coordinated along with the economic forces which the cooperating governments shall undertake to guide and direct. As that is done, the vital dynamic and constructive elements in capitalism and in human society can concurrently be made of beneficence to the entire world. Such is the route along which it would seem the goal of human freedom may be achieved. 

All of this involves a conception of the State, not as a Midas, but rather in its measure as a Solon. And, as Solon of old said of himself, so we may dream of a State--possibly a "Federation of the World"--which of all economic forces may say: 

"I stood with my strong shield flung over both, 
And let not either side unjustly win."