Viewing page 4 of 36

no laws in America that African peoples need to abide by until we have the right to determine our own destinies.

We say this because we recognize that we (African people in America) are not citizens denied our rights but we are captives of war. War was declared on the African nation 500 years ago and has not stopped yet. If we are not captives of war, then we wouldn't be in America. We would still be Africa.

THERE IS NO SUCH THING as a second class citizen. A second class citizen in a 20th century slave. You are either a first class citizen or a ward of the state, which means no class at all-it means captive. We are forced to abide by the responsibilities of citizenship but are denied the equal rights of citizens. So, our status has changed from chattel slavery to citizen slavery. After the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation, which supposedly made us freedmen, a vote was never taken to see whether we wanted to be citizens of the kidnapper government, return to our motherland or whether we wanted land right here.  So, the so-called citizenship that we are supposed to have, but don't enjoy, is a forced citizenship and is therefore ill-legal, making our status colonial subjects held in captivitiy.  Every African person in America is therefore in prison.

We, as a people/nation, will not have the status of freedman or women until we secure the right to determine our own destiny. Until African people have the right to self determination, America is a police state to 30 million Africans. 

Prisons are concentration camps of the worst form to contain and break the will of rebellious African captives.  The civilian occupation force (police) engages in search and destory campaigns daily to capture the usually unpoliticized guerillas (so-called black criminals), to put them in pacification strategic hamlets (prisons), to psychologically and very often to physically annihilate New Africa's people's liberation army.  

The black prisoner, who is faced with living under the constant threat of racist attack, must endure the worst conditions of all African captives; he gets the worst food, is grossly underpaid for his labor, lives with unsanitary conditions, having to struggle and possibly risk his life for black studies materials and the right to practice his own religion if it is different from the oppressor's.  

The black prisoner is the captured captive within the captive nation and is treated as the worst of a class of people in the whole Amerikan empire.

THE BLACK PRISONER, like the black soldier is the total anti-thesis of this racist society; he is the rebellious captive that the colonial regime cannot control, so his radicalization and awareness is treated with the most blatant form of fascism--outright cold-blooded murder.  Because once the black prisoner realizes his historical role as a political liberation soldier then the prisons will become African nationalist training centers producing thousands of Pan-African nationalist revolutionaries. Then our struggle will take a qualitative leap.

In order to advance the Pan-African revolution, from working together regardless of ideology, we must develop a style of work which is effective in mobilizing the millions of our people. We call this work style, the Amen-Ra (RAM) method.  It is the building of cells among the people, quietly working on community problems and projects, working towards the emergence of a Pan-African Nationalist Party.

The Pan-African movement in American in many respects is still a petty bourgeois movement.  There are still many utopian concepts in the movement such as the fantasies of "going back to Africa" and "ego tripping on messianic cultural nationalism."

Culture is important but it is not the predominating factor in a revolution.  Political development of the masses is the central factor in a revolution.  Mass mobilization that disrupts and overturns a system is the heart of a revolution.  

The war prisoners movement means Pan-African nationalists must move in a new direc-
Please note that the language and terminology used in this collection reflects the context and culture of the time of its creation, and may include culturally sensitive information. As an historical document, its contents may be at odds with contemporary views and terminology. The information within this collection does not reflect the views of the Smithsonian Institution, but is available in its original form to facilitate research. For questions or comments regarding sensitive content, access, and use related to this collection, please contact