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Did I colonize, kidnap, make war on myself, destroy my own institutions, enslave myself, use myself, and neglect myself, steal my identity and then, being reduced to nothing invent a competitive economy knowing that I cannot complete?5

We must say "no."  But with this answer we must certainly take notice of the fact that we have been the victims of colonization; we have been kidnapped, enslaved, used and neglected. As comrade George has pointed out, it was not black people who were in any sense the ones guilty of crimes, yet kidnapping, slavery, and destruction of other peoples' property are all crimes!
  Thus, we see that this third historical factor, that we were made to live in a competitive economy while not being in any manner prepared to participate in it, was just as criminally based as is the actual gyve slavery itself.

WITH THESE three historical facts understood, it is no wonder that the black family is in such a chaotic state; it is no strange or coincidental matter that black people today find it extremely difficult to unite, for every development, every program, every phase in Ameriklan society since slavery has either been directly opposed to the unity of black people, or has excluded the latter.
  The following statement by Dr. Sweezy⁶ has great significance for understanding some of the reason black unity is difficult to establish:
  The task of the Southern ruling class is to keep both Negroes and white workers (poor whites) tractable and freely exploitable. For this purpose it (the white ruling class) has employed two main devices which are so closely interdependent that neither could survive without the other. On the other one hand it has systematically incited and propagandized the whites against the Negroes... On the other hand, the ruling class has erected all sorts of social and legal barriers between the races in order to segregate Negroes and to prevent the development in practice of Negro-white solidarity on a class basis.⁷

  Not only has the ruling class of Amerikla geared the political, judicial, and social apparatuses toward racism by deliberately instigating separative policies in relation to black and white unification, but further, the ruling class has created a higher degree of division within the entire black populace of Ameriklan society. This division is expressed in the form of black people attempting to enter into a higher socio-economic class--thus causing confusion within black people in general--when the fact is, blacks are not considered as belonging to any class of standing. The separative element is this, that certain blacks--the so-called "black bourgeoisie"--pretend to be other than black and in doing so renounce all other "lower class" black people. This internal contradiction is, and always will be, an inherent feature in class society. The upper classes are constantly pushing to keep the lower classes "in their place" while the lower classes are breaking their backs to reach the upper class "pie in the sky."
  This is the reason many black people are actually ashamed of their blackness. With the concept of white superiority-black inferiority well ingrained into the whole of Ameriklan society, specifically designed to foster unpropitious social relations, the lower class of Ameriklan society has been denied the opportunity to unify themselves with any of the higher classes.
  The Ameriklan "capitalist class struggle" is on lop-sided grounds in the beginning. Blacks, browns, and poor people do not have the means with which to bring about "change" within the system. So the "capitalist class struggle" is really no more than a class antagonism that will never be resolved as long as capitalism exists, for to destroy classes is to destroy the condition for capitalism. That blacks will fail in any attempt at climbing the social ladder via gaining an economic foothold in society, is but one of the many sad revelations we discover in this country. Another very sad and illusory conception is black peoples' striving for justice by racial assimilation, e.g., the totally insane concept of social integration while political and economical relations remain warped. This also confuses people when they refuse to believe that social 

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relations are determined by a person's family and its standing, and not by the individual.

THE PRESENT AMERIKLAN SOCIETY for black people, people of color and poor people has the same essentials and functioning factors as were existent during the gyve era but with one noticeable exception: a minimizing of the chains. The following excerpt is a definition that clarifies freedom from the gyve as well as from economic or wage slavery.

 The actual wealth of society, and the possibility of constantly expanding its reproduction process...do not depend upon the duration of surplus labour, but upon its productivity and the more or less copious conditions of production under which it is performed.⁸

In capitalist society the laborer spends part of his labor-time earning what is commonly called wage (therefore fulfilling his subsistence demand) and the other part of his labor time is spent creating "surplus" capital, which he does not receive pay for. Marx has shown, as common sense would quite naturally tell us, that this "surplus," which goes to the capitalist, is in all actuality stolen capital. Thus we find that Marx has appropriately termed this stolen "labor-time" as "surplus labor." What the above excerpt is saying is, the expansion of wealth in society is not dependent upon the time "surplus-labor" is used, but upon the productivity of the stolen labor in its relation to the plentifulness (or to the reverse effect, the scarcity) of the "conditions of production." Now, with an understanding of the latter, even in its concise form, we must observe the cornerstone of actual freedom:
  ...The realm of freedom actually begins only where labor which is determined by necessity and mundane considerations ceases; thus in the very nature of things it lies beyond the sphere of actual material production. Just as the savage must wrestle with nature to satisfy his wants, to maintain and reproduce life, so must civilised man, and he must do so in all social formations and under all possible modes of production. With his development this realm of physical necessity expands as a result of his wants; but, at the same time, the forces of production which satisfy these wants also increase. Freedom in this field can only consist in socialized man, the associate producers, rationally regulating their interchange with nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of nature; and achieving this with the least expenditure of energy and under conditions most favourable to, and worthy of, their human nature. But it nonetheless still remains a realm of necessity. Beyond it begins that development of human energy which is an end in itself, the true realm of freedom...can blossom forth only with this realm of necessity as its basis. The shortening of the working-day is its basic prerequisite.⁹

We can immediately see that freedom as Marx has shown does not exist within capitalist society; that the laborers of Amerikla work out of necessity and, once the subsistence quota is met, their "surplus labor" only created surplus pocketed or reinvested into other capitalist functions (institutions of expansion) by the capitalist. With this process well rooted into the Ameriklan societal arrangement, the capitalists, over a period of a little more than 100 years, have immensely separated themselves from society first by economic thievery, i.e. by enforcing a competitive wage system which the masses, and especially black people, cannot compete in, and secondly by creating "social and legal barriers" with which to maintain containment of all the "lower classes" of capitalist society.

AMERIKLA is the land of the "free" for those who can afford to buy freedom. What is more, the wage worker--in this sense--is just as much as a slave in the gyve era. Just as the slave during the gyve era lived a meaningless life, working but without gain for his work, the wage slave--who also works but without accumulative gain--is perhaps worse off because he only gains another days existence in which to work but does not realize this--the fact that he is being used in the same manner as one would use an ox or hand saw. So to work all day and only receive a wage sufficient enough to allow existence to the next work-day, and have the

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