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If we are sociologists or reporters, for instance, we might explain that every major issue raised by the Women's Movement now has majority support in national public opinion polls: from the supposedly "easy" ones like equal pay, women in political office, and equal access to education to the supposedly "controversial" ones like the Equal Rights Amendment, a woman's right to choose abortion and "would-you-work-for-a woman?" That represents a major change from the early '70s when most such issues were supported by only a minority; and an even bigger change from the '60s, when they weren't included in public opinion polls at all. If we are history buffs or students of revolution, we might see the '70s as a time of massive consciousness-raising: of breaking the conspiracy of silence on the depth of sex-based inequities, both nationally and internationally, and of achieving token victories that raised women's hopes. Having forged a majority change in consciousness, we are now ready for more institutional, systematic change in the '80s. A redistribution of power in families, a revolution in the way children are raised and by whom, flexible work schedules outside the home, recognition of work done by women (and men) in the home, a lessening of the violence that is rooted in the cult of masculinity, the redistribution of wealth that would begin if we actually got comparable pay: all these structural changes are possible because hopes were raised in the '70s. If, on the other hand, we are simply among the millions of women struggling to survive the double burden of working outside the home, yet carrying the major responsibility for homemaking and raising children, we might describe the '70s as the decade in which we advanced half the battle. WE've learned that women can and should do "men's jobs," for instance, and we've won the principle (if not the fact) of getting equal pay. But we haven't yet established the principle (much less the fact) that men can and should do "women's jobs": that homemaking and child-rearing are as much a man's responsibility, too, and that those jobs in which women are concentrated outside the home would probably be better paid if more men became secretaries, file clerks, and nurses, too. Obviously, society in general and women in particular will have to make more demands on men as equal parents in the '80s. Job patters must allow both fathers and mothers of young children to arrange shorter workdays or shorter workweeks. (We'll also have to return to the battle for quality child care that we lost at the beginning of the '70s; this time with a clear statement that free child-care centers are not for the benefit of "working mothers," any more than free schools are. They are simply the right of every child.) Existing affirmative action measures will have to be used to integrate men into "women's jobs," and not just the other way around, especially where large employers can be forced to pay decent salaries to all workers in order to attract men. Yet this integration must retain its first stage. If men become flight attendants but women don't become pilots and airline executives, for instance, women will still be on the losing end. Men and women get equal money at the U.S. Open tennis tournament (Forest Hills, New York). Child-care deduction in federal income tax is allowed for volunteer workers. Labor is first federal department or agency to grant paternity leave. Dr. Benjamin Spock renounces his earlier sexist views on child care and revises his classic book AT&T signs a $35-million settlement with the EEOC and Labor Department agreeing to back pay, goals and timetables for increasing the role of women and minorities Supreme Court outlaws discrimination against women officers and their husbands in military benefits Federal Home Loan Bank Board bars sex bias by savings and loan institutions Civil Service Commission ends discriminatory heigh-and-weight requirements for park police and jobs in fire prevention and narcotics control. Stewardesses for Women's Rights formed to support job rights, a dignified public image, and health issues of women flight attendants. Daughters Inc. and Diana Press are among the earliest book publishers run by and for feminists Artemisia, nonprofit art cooperative for women, is founded in Chicago. Catholics for a Free Choice is organized to work for abortion rights. Midwest Academy (Chicago) is founded by Heather Booth to train women to organize. Women Employed (Chicago), Women Office Workers (New York), and 9 to 5 (Boston) are among earliest citywide groups of office workers. The first Feminist Federal Credit Union is formed in Detroit. [[Arrow symbol]] [[new column]] First National Lesbian Feminist Conference is held in Los Angeles. Robyn Smith is first woman jockey to win Aqueduct stakes. U.S. homemakers organize national week0long meat boycott to protest rising beef prices. Yvonne Wanrow is convicted of second-degree murder for defending herself and her daughter against a known child-molester and rapist. She was acquitted in a retrial in Washinton State in 1977. Jeanette Rankin, the first Congresswoman (R.- Mont.) and a staunch supporter of women's rights, dies. National Association for Repeal of Abortion Laws (NARAL), founded in 1969, changes its name to the National Abortion Rights Action League (same acronym) and makes it's goal to preserve the 1973 Supreme Court Decisions. First exposé of the Dalkon Shield is published in the National Observer by reporter Barbara Katz, leading to eventual withdrawal of this IUD from the market. 1974 Coalition of Labor Union Women is organized in Chicago with more than 3,000 women from 58 unions attending; Olga madar of UAW first president. More than 1.5 million domestic workers are covered by minimum wage requirements. Mexican American Women's Association (MAWA) is founded. Supreme Court outlaws mandatory maternity leave for teachers. Merchant Marine Academy admits women; Ruth Johnson first woman to join the 175-year-old U.S. Marine Corps Band. National Little League Baseball, Inc., agrees to admit women. December 1979/Ms./71
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