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THE EXODUS.

An Appeal to the Philanthropic People of the North for Aid and Sympathy.

OFFICE OF THE EIGRANT AID SOCIETY,
No. 934 F STREET.
Washington. D. C., November 15, 1879. }

To the Public:
This Society was called into existence in 1878, under circumstances which seemed to render such an organization a peculiar necessity. It is well known that ever since the adoption by the people of the United States of those constitutional measures which conferred upon the late slave the rights of citizenship and suffrage, there has existed throughout some of the Southern States an incessant political and social strife. In this conflict the former master class, or friends of restricted suffrage and race distinction, have been arrayed against the friends of popular government and equality before the law. Involving at the outset that highest and most sacred of all rights, namely, the right of the sovereign people to adopt measures in accordance with their choice, and at the same time challenging the power of the Federal Government to enforce the enunciated rights of its citizens, this in contest has been one of serious moment to the entire country. It has occasioned a general reign of disquietude in politics, and, in affording the topic of paramount interest, both at the Nation's Capital and throughout the country, it has been the means of withholding from consideration measures which would have doubtless proven more conducive to public prosperity.

The final success of the Democratic party in obtaining control of the Southern States was at once accepted by the colored people of that section as putting an end to this race conflict, or as signalizing the overthrow of their rights and opportunities as citizens. That their apprehensions were at least in a large measure well grounded is abundantly proven by the testimony of those who have fled, and of those who are attempting to flee, from the the scenes of their memorable struggle. The disposition to escape beyond the reach of oppression has been of course greatest among the colored people residing in those sections of the South wherein their opponents have displayed the least regard for their rights "to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness." From such sections whole communities, as if seized with madness of fright, have rushed forth in the hope of finding homes and protection in the States and Territories of the Northwest.

Judging from numerous petitions for aid and from other intelligence received from various sections of the South, this emigration movement is as yet in its incipiency.

For a brief period after his emancipation the late slave enjoyed the inestimable blessings of liberty and fair opportunity in the race of life, and henceforward he will be contented with nothing short of the fullest measure of justice. No longer hopeful of any other solution of the great problem, in which he is most deeply concerned, he proposes to solve it in his own favor by migration. He desires to escape from the South in time to avoid the unpleasant experiences of a Presidential Campaign, and even before the census-taker shall have used his name to swell the Congressional representation of that section. Although limited in his knowledge of geography he has learned that by migrating the the Northwest he will reach a better land than that he now inhabits; "some safer home in depth of woods embraced," where he may live in the enjoyment of his rights; some more thrifty, prosperous region where labor is respected and where industry may reap its just reward.

Cognizant of the history of the Southern States and of the condition of the emancipated class at the present time, the political economist will, it is believed, seek in vain for a more wise, safe and practical solution of one of the most vexed questions which has thus far menaced the Republic.

The native white people of the South have been taught for centuries to look upon the colored man as an inferior. Upon this assumption of superiority was based another assumption, even more groundless than the first: the white man was entitled to the negro's labor! Although the question as to the justice of this assumption was submitted in good faith to the dreadful arbitrament of war, there still lingers in the mind of the former master an idea that even though unlawful it is at least not unjust for him to receive without compensation the labor of the man he once owned. On the other hand the late slave, from habits of long standing, yields to the former master an obedience or subservience which ill comports with that dignity and independence which should always accompany the exalted privileges of citizenship. Indeed, the attitude of this newly-made citizen has been in the South an exceedingly unfortunate and unenviable one. While theoretically free he has been in reality a slave-a slave to those who own the land and the means of cultivating it, and who in fact control all the avenues to honest toil.

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