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WASHINGTON.

"LIBERTY AND UNION NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPERABLE."
TUESDAY, JULY 7, 1868.

 THE QUESTION.
 
If it be ascertained, beyond all question, that a clear majority of the electoral votes which all the States composing the Union are by the Constitution entitled to cast, is in favor of the Democratic Conservative nominee, and yet, that by the exclusion of a part of these votes, effected through fraudulent legislation of the Radical party, shaped to that 
end, an apparent majority of the votes of the colleges be secured to the nomines of that party, will, or ought, the Conservatives, thus seen to be entitled, under the Constitution, to administer the Government, submit to the fraud, and allow the Badi-
Radicals, against the Constitution, thus to usurp and hold it? In other words, shall the majority constitutionally entitled to govern allow themselves to be governed, unconstitutionally, by a minority.

This very grave questions is one which may, not very improbably, arise, and which, all the more for its gravity, should be well considered and timely provided for. It is a very grave one; for to take power from any minority actually holding it, however it may have been obtained, has rarely proved an easy undertaking. Yet the same experience of
the past which establishes that proposition shows conclusively also that usurpation, once enthroned, only the more and more tightens its cords around its victims, and renders its overthrow the more difficult the longer it is tolerated, and would [[?]]ther-fore, strongly to premonish us to meet, resist, and put it down at the outset.
   
It is true that the data we now posses of what, under the shifting and uncertain policy of the Radicals, is finally to constitute the electoral vote, as manipulated by the Radical Congress, are not such as to permit any precise any speculations on the subject.
  
But it is patent that the votes of the Southern States are being, and to be, so dealt with as to fashion them to Radical ends, and will only be so far admitted, if admitted at all, to be cast in the Presidential elections as they may be calculated on for the Radical nominee. Is it not, then, the plain duty of the opposite party, thus schemed against,
to consider the course it would be proper for them to pursue, if, through the fraudulent machinations of their adversaries they should suffer an apparent, but an unfair and unreal defeat?

By a crafty sagacity, looking far beyond the questions of the hour, the Radical leaders raised to authority by distempered and excited popular passions incident to war, and still sustained by them, not yet tranquilized, in 1866. seeing that they must soon settle down to their natural and beneficent level, timely laid their plans to preserve, by stratagem, the power they had gained by a transitory impulse, and have ever since striven to keep up the waning excitement by furiously blowing their Chinese war trumpets over the long silent and deserted battlefields. They at once slammed too the door of Congress against the Representatives of the South, sent to testify its implicit acquiescence in the results of the war, and its renowned and sincere fealty to the Union, in order that by doing so they
might secure to themselves not only absolute present power, but the keys whereby to let themselves in, in the future to its continued and indefinite possession. They then proceed to manipulate and maneuvre for the Southern vote. They bid first for the white vote.

Holding out now one, and then another tentative plan of "reconstruction," to be understood at the South as the terms of a full restoration to the Union, but carefully avoiding an express pledge that acceded to, they would secure it, they would pause, like Torquemada, as they turned from time to time their screw of torture, to watch the effect on the helpless victims of their damnable experi-


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its "Civic Feast," its "Feast of Reason," culminating its impious "fete a l'etre supreme," its doom continually, though too slowly, closed around it.  The march of the friends of order, and law, and peace, and clemency, of a restored credit, a restored toleration, and a restored confraternity of all citizens was still onward.  The "Moderatists" - "exalted Republicans" of an earlier day - the "Indulgents," but lately the "Terrorists" of the revolution, more and more fraternize with each other, and with the great Conservative masses, till finally, by one great united effort, Robespierre and his own federates, with the guillotine itself, (now typified among us by Stevens and his committees, and political disfranchisement,) speedily and forever disappeared from the scene they so recently filled with their lurid terrors, amid the unbounded joy and universal gratulation of a rescued people.

Such is the fraternization and good understanding of all the friends of the Constitution, and of social peace, which we invoke; such the concurrence is counsel; such cooperation in action, to be followed, we trust, by a no less signal overthrow of the Radicals and their revolutionary tribunals - "the military commissions" - an overthrow none the less signal and complete, that it shall be effected not by the death-dealing guillotine of the eighteenth, but by the punitive ballot, the guillotine of the nineteenth century, which consigns its proper victims to political impotency and public scorn forever.

MR. FESSENDEN ON THE IMPEACHERS.

Now that Radicalism is about to come to grief, and all the indications foreshadow its overwhelming defeat in November, every effort is made to unite the disjointed factions, and to harmonize especially [[?]] [[?]] when the impeachment trial had violently estranged.  With this object in view, as well, doubtless, as to pay a deserved tribute to his high and honorable character, many of the leading Republicans of Massachusetts, headed by the Governor, and embracing the foremost historical names of the State, addressed a letter to Mr. Fessenden inviting him to a public dinner.  That invitation was no ordinary event emanating as it did from the State which had been so offensively conspicuous in urging impeachment, and which included in its representation Sumner, Wilson, Boutwell, and Butler, who had taken the most active and unscrupulous part in advocating conviction.  It may be regarded as a rebuke to the conduct of these reckless agitators, coming from the highest and best men of their own party, some of whom favored impeachment, but not the means employed to accomplish its success.

After the harangues of the Massachusetts Senators and managers on this subject, and the threats against all who differed with their arrogant dictation, this compliment to Mr. Fessenden, from their own home and from the hot bed of that fanaticism which has been so mischievous in its meddling, must be gall and wormwood to their selfish and malignant natures.  This man is selected for honor and for special consideration who resisted their policy, who exposed their weakness, and whose influence, more than that of any other single individual of his party, contributed to the defeat of the scheme upon which Butler and Sumner had staked their hopes of profit and promotion.  No more signal condemnation of Sumner and his associates could be expressed, and it is made doubly pointed because it comes from those whom he has most courted in the past, and upon whose support he had most counted in seeking a reelection to the Senate.  Instead of honoring his much vaunted "loyalty," or recognizing his "devotion," they go out of the way and outside the State to tender their highest homage to the "courage and conscientiousness" of the Senator who combatted his pretentious theories and defeated his ambitions aspirations.  Massachusetts has seldom administered a [[?]] or a more merited punishment to her delegation, and if Sumner takes the broad hint thus give, he will discover in it an admonition to abate his arrogance; and to prepare for another lesson 
 
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THE NEW YORK CONVENTION.
UNIVERSAL AMNESTY RECOMMENDED.
RESOLUTIONS ENDORSING JOHNSON AND CHASE   
Reception of Committee from Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention.
SPEECH OF GEN. THOS. EWING.
NO PLATFORM YET ADOPTED.
The Latest Speculations as to Candidates

Special Despatchers to the National Intelligenter 
NEW YORK, July 6. - The Ohio delegation yesterday resolved to add to their parliamentary skill and strength on the floor.  To this end vacancies were made, and the places filled by Judge Thurman, Senator elect; General G.W. Morgan, Hon. George E. Pugh, Judge Jewett, Mr. C.L. Vallandigham, and Judge Van Trump.  It is said, under this arrangement, Mr. Vallandigham withdraws his support of Chase, and agrees to go for Pendleton.  The effect of these changes was visible in to-day's proceedings.  The Southern supporters of Pendleton were able to have managed his cause, but it would have looked bad for them to take the lead in engineering this movement.

The sub-committee on platform did nothing yesterday, and had not agreed even by this afternoon.  They were to report this evening to the general committee, and possibly to-day may conclude the question of a platform.

The New Yorkers did all they could to postpose action on the platform; they are for drawing both candidate and platform very mild.

The day opened with no material change in the disposition of opposing forces, save that the Pendleton men were better officered than on Saturday.  To-day by 10 o'clock the Convention was to open, but the crowd made it very difficult to approach Tammany.  Wending my way here I found a most extraordinary scene; the doors were shut, and in front was a mass of surging and suffering humanity - delegates, newspaper men, spectators, rowdies, ladies, and even children.

The police arrangements were detestable, and there was the same want of management as on previous occasions.  To pack in a crowd of clacquers, such as Tammany wants for her purposes, it was necessary to sacrifice the comfort and risk even the lives of delegates and members of the press.  The police at last came, but it was sometime before order was evolved from this chaos.  The inner hall to-day presented a splendid appearance when filled with its audience.  Great applause was manifested to-day when Governor Seymour went upon the stand as permanent President.  He delivered a brief, but able address.  Owing to the great size of the hall, he was very indistinctly heard.  One of the first points of interest was the offering of a resolution favoring the payment of five twenties in currency, and the reservation of public lands for actual settlers.  These propositions were clearly in accord with the sympathies of the body, as was shown by the applause bestowed upon them.  It made the welkin ring again.  The committee on credentials reported a full delegation from every State, and this was warmly applauded.  The Territories were allowed seats, but not votes.  A resolution to make the flag protect equally adopted and native born citizens was offered amid great enthusiasm.

Resolutions complimentary to President Johnson and Judge Chase for his course on the impeachment trial were presented and received with applause.

Resolutions were passed to pledge the Convention to support of the nominee; and also, that the friends of the candidates should pledge their support to the nominations.

The principal point of interest arose on a proposition of Governor Bigler to proceed to ballot for candidates.  To this an amendment was offered, that the platform should be made before balloting.

This passed - 159½ to 89 - New York did not make up her mind to vote.

Governor Bigler tried during the roll call to make a speech, but was ruled out of order.

Great enthusiasm was manifested over a resolution requesting the President to issue a universal proclamation
and then the Con-

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For President, Horatio Seymour, of New York - received with great cheering - with a Vice President and Secretary from each of the States.

The committee also recommended that the rules of order of the Democratic Convention of 1864 be adopted for the government of this Convention.

Mr. Mackim, of Ohio, moved the adoption of the report, and the discharges of the committee.

The Chair put the question on the acceptance of the repot and the discharge of the committee, which was decided in the affirmative.

Mr. Murphy, of New York, from the committee on resolutions, asked permission for this committee to sit during the sessions of the Convention, which was granted.

The Chair appointed Messers. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, and Hammond, of South Carolina, a committee to conduct the Permanent President to the chair.

Mr. Seymour proceeded to the platform amid cheers and long applause.

Mr. Richard, of Illinois, presented a series of resolutions, which were referred without reading.

Mr. Seymour, in a brief speech, returned thanks, and counseled moderation, toleration, and harmony.  He said that the most important questions forced upon the consideration of this Convention were some of those forced upon its by resolutions of the late Chicago Convention; he discussed briefly the Republican platform; accused the Radicals of violating their own declarations against repudiation and unequal taxation, and said they asserted a solicitude for soldiers' and sailors' widows and orphans; accused the now dominant party of extravagance and wasting the public money, thereby tainting the national credit, regarding emigration by overburdening labor with taxation, and breaking down all constitutional guarantees of republican liberty.  He denied the assertion of the Republican Convention that the principles of the Declaration of Independence are now sacred on every inch of American soil, for in ten States of this Union military power supersedes civil law.

The List of Permanent Offivers.
New York, July 6 - The following are permanent officers of the Convention:
For President - Hon. Horatio Seymour of New York.
Vice Presidents and Secretaries the following. (the first name in each case being that of the Vice President, and the second that of the Secretary.

From Alabama - Ex Governor Reuben Chapman, W.M. Stupe; Arkansas - B.D. Turner, John W. Wright; California - A.H. Rose, M.G. Gillette; Connecticut - H.A. Nutshell, George O. Hasting; Delaware - G.W. Cummings, O.W. Wright; Florida - Thomas Randall, C.H. Smith; Gorgia - Hon A.S. Wright, William Reid; Illinois - B.M. Woodson, W.T. Dowdell; Indiana - James A. Orsons, W.K. Bowles; Iowa - William McClintock, P.H. Bowaquet; Kansas - Andrew G. Head, Isaac Spook; Kentucky - Luius Desha, Hart Gibson; Louisiana - Louis St. Martin, J.H. Kennard; Maine - Isaac Reid, J.A. Tenscott, Maryland - George R. Dannis,  Au bridge Horser; Massachusetts - Peter Howsy, Charles G. Clark; Michigan - A.A. Hart, Frederick V. Smith; Minnesota - Winthrop Young, Isaac Staples; Missouri - Thomas La Price, A.K. Reid; Mississippi - E.C. Walthall, Felix Labowne; Nebraska - George W. Crawford, Peter Smith; Nevada - D.E. Scell, George H. Willard; New Hampshire - George H. Price, Albert R. Hatch; New Jersey - Francis S. Lathrop, Charles E. Henderson; New York - Wm M Tweed, Henry H Richmond; North Carolina - Redford brown, Dr. R. B. Haywood; Ohio - Edson B. Olds, John Hamilton; Oregon - B.L. Brislow, A.D. Fitch; Pennsylvania - John L. Dawson, George W. Reilly; Rhode Island - Amos Sprague, E.B. Brownson, South Carolina - B.J. Barry, W.S. Mullens; Tennessee - A.O.P. Nicholson, Henry C. McLaughlin; Texas - Ashball Smith, D.A. Veltch; Vermont - Henry Keyse, George H. Simmons; Virginia - Robert S. Conrad, W.D. Coleman; West Virginia - James W. Galaber, Crowles O. Sperry; Wisconsin - Ex Governor Nelson Dewey,, E.T. Thorn.

For Recording Secretaries - E.O. Perrin, of New York; Moses W. Strong of Wisconsin; V.A. Gaskell, of Georgia; F.A. Hutchinson, of Pennsylvania; Robert P. Tunsey, of Illinois.

For Sergeant at Arms - Edward A. Moore, of New York.

Resolutions from the National Labor Convention were sent up and read, favoring the payment of public and private debs in greenbacks.  This was received with great cheering, as also was once against further grants of the public lands to private corporations, and favoring their reservation or distribution to actual settlers.

The chairman of the committee on credentials reported that full delegations were present from every State in the Union, and recommended that three delegates from each Territory and from the District of Columbia be admitted to the floor of the Convention, without the privilege of voting.  The committee's report was adopted.

Mr. Kerr, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution that it was the duty of every friend of constitutional government to sustain the President in his efforts to stop the tide of Radical usurpation, and commending him for his choice. [Cheers]  The resolution was referred.

Mr. Hall, of New York, offered a resolution declaring that the thanks of the National Convention are due Chief Justice Chase for his ability, impartiality, and fidelity in presiding over the court of impeachment. [Prolonged applause.]]

Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution in favor of increasing pensions to soldiers and sailors, by paying them the gold equivalent. [Slight applause]] Referred.

Mr. Ried, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution recognizing the fidelity of Andrew Johnson in upholding the Constitution and laws.  Referred.

Mr. Hurley, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution directing that the President's amnesty proclamation be read by the secretary.

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you, and beg you will excuse me for this extempore effort. [Cries of "Go on."]

Three cheers were then given for General Ewing and the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention.

Mr. E\aton, of Connecticut.  There was a resolution passed this morning that the platform should be first determined upon before say ballot should be taken for President.  I understand, however, that the committee on the platform will not be able to report until to-morrow morning, and, therefore, I move to reconsider the vote upon the resolution.

Mr. Boal, of Nevada, I move to lay the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Eaton] on the table.

Several delegates called for a vote by yeas and nays upon the motion to lay on the table.  

Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania. Do I understand that if the motion to lay on the table is carried it carries the original resolution with it?

The President. No.

Mr. Stanton, of Kentucky.  I understand the rule adopted this morning to be that when a vote by States was to be taken delegates should first have five minutes for consultation and deliberation.

The President.  Yes; a vote by States is now called for, and in five minutes from this time it will be taken.

The Chairman said the question is now upon the adoption of the resolution of the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Eaton] that the Convention now reconsider the resolution which was adopted this morning.  [Cries of "Question," and "Question."]

A vote by States was called for, and the Chairman announced a recess of five minutes to enable the different delegates to consult their presidents.  The first vote is upon the motion to adjourn.

The motion to adjourn being put, was declared lost.

Mr. Brewer, of Pennsylvania.  I move that when this Convention adjourn, it adjourn to meet to-morrow morning at ten o'clock; and that hereafter the Convention, upon adjournment, will fix that hour for meeting.  Carried.

The President.  The clerk will now call the States is their order, for the purpose of taking their votes upon the resolution before the Convention.

Mr. Finch, of Iowa.  I move that this Convention now adjourn.

The motion to adjourn was put, and declared lost.

The President put the question upon the adoption of the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania this morning.  

Mr. Easton.  I move that the resolution lie on the table.  The original resolution which has been reconsidered.

Mr. Wm. Bigler, of Pennsylvania.  Mr. President, if the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Eaton] will permit me, I desire to modify the resolution.

Mr. Eaton, of Connecticut.  If the gentleman will give way I will withdraw my motion, and move that this Convention now proceed to vote for a candidate for the Presidency of the United States.

The question before the Convention is the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania.  A delegate from California has moved an amendment to that resolution, which is first in order.  It will be read by the clerk.  It was in the hands of the Chair before other resolutions.

The clerk read the resolution of Mr. Hammond, of California, a substitute for that of Mr. Eaton, as follows:

Resolved.  That candidates for President may now be put in nomination, but that no ballot be had until a platform of principles is adopted.

The President.  The motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania was this:  Not that the Convention should proceed to ballot, but that the Convention should proceed to nominate candidates.  The gentleman from California proposes, by his amendment, so to modify that resolution that no vote shall be taken to nominate until the after the adoption of the platform.  The Chair thinks there is a resolution different from any that has been offered heretofore, and is a modification of the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. Graves, of Kentucky, moved the previous question.

The motion not being seconded, the vote taken on the amendment of Mr. Hammond, and the question decided in the negative.

Mr. Bigler's resolution was adopted.  

A motion to adjourn was made, and the vote taken by States, with the following result:  Yeas 209, nays 105; and the Convention adjourned.

A motion to adjourn was made, and the vote taken by States, with the following results:  Yeas 209, nays 106; and the Convention adjourned.

The Situation in Mexico.
From the Rio Grande Courier, June 25.

The feeling of discontent exists throughout Mexico.  It may not be general, but it is sufficiently so to work mischief, to stir up insurrections in rapid succession to disturb the tranquility of the people, to weaken confidence in the Government, to interfere with industrial pursuits, and to visit upon the country the unremitting course of civil war.  When Aureliano Rivera denounced the election of Juárez as the work of the bayonet instead of the ballot-box, he struck a popular chord.  A great many Mexicans look upon that election as a farce and a swindle.  An intelligent Mexican, when asked, "What do the Mexican people want?" answered "Otro Presidente: - (another President).  In other words, thousands of them want a chance to cast their votes in a fair election, uncontrolled by the soldiers, and they will fight to secure it.

The pronunciamento of General Rivera was considered a matter of great significance.  He beat the Government troops at Tiapam, almost within sight of the capital.  The Mexican papers contain no account of his having been defeated.  Where is he?  Where are his men?  The late papers scarcely mention him.  One editor says his attempt at revolution has been 
Where are the proofs?  Aureliano Rivera has not 

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SOLDIERS AND SAILORS.
GRAND PROCESSION OF VETERANS.
SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS.
ADDRESS TO THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION  
Resolutions Endorsing the President's Amnesty Proclamation.

Special Despatch to the National Intelligencer.

WESTMINISTER HOTEL, NEW YORK, July 6. - According to previous arrangements, a committee of one from each delegation to the Soldiers and Sailors' Convention, escorted by a large body of New York veterans, proceeded this morning to meet the new Jersey veterans, fifteen hundred strong, who had come to escort the delegates from their headquarters to the Convention.  Upon the arrival of this escort the line was formed on and about Union Square and the procession moved to the Cooper Institute, passing Tammany Hall on the route.  Each delegation was preceded by a band, and bore the tattered relics of the flags under which they had fought during the war.  Upon arriving at Tammany Hall the crown was impenetrably dense, and procession was halted, while soldiers and sailors sang, with much spirit, "Rally Round the Flag."

Upon reaching the Convention hall, in Cooper Institute, while the several delegations were taking their places, the band played Hail Columbia, and Sergeant Bates, standing upon the platform, waved the flag he was forbidden by a Radical Congress to wave from the dome of the National Capitol.  Some time was spent in cheering for favorite generals.  Hancock's name, as usual, was greeted with tremendous enthusiasm. Three rousing cheers were give for McClellan; and other cheers for various generals, for the rank and file of the army, and for the navy.

Upon motion of General Pratt, a committee was appointed to take into consideration the expediency of the naming by the Convention of any candidate for the Presidency.

Col. S.M. Zulick, of Pennsylvania, offered the following, which was referred to the committee on resolutions:

Whereas no soldiers and sailors of the North and the Union, we would bury in forgetfulness all symbolism and memories of the lamentable war with our Southern brethren, save only those which serve to hasten the return of the national brotherhood, the strength and glory of a reconstructed Government, and the happiness and prosperity of a reunited people; and whereas the declaration of amnesty of the President of our United States for all political offences committed by our brave but erring brethren [loud cheers] is conceived in a spirit of honor and magnanimity so catholic and noble as to demand an expression of our heartfelt thanks to the President, and our most earnest hope that it may carry on it healing wings the true spirit of national brotherhood for future use and blessing.

General Slocum, from the committee on resolutions, stated that as the National Democratic Convention had on Saturday adopted a resolution inviting the delegates to the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention to occupy seats in Tammany Hall during the session of the Convention, the committee submitted the following response and address, which was adopted with great manifestation of enthusiasm.

The Address to the National Democratic Convention

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVETION:
We are instructed by unanimous vote of the Convention of Union Soldiers and Sailors now in session at Cooper Institute to return to you our thanks for extending to us the privileges of the floor of your Convention the objects for which we are assembled are clearly set forth in the address of our presiding officer.  Our Convention is composed of two thousand delegates, elected to represent every State and Territory in the Union army or navy, every one of whom firmly believes that in cooperating at this time with the Conservative party of the country he is still engaged in the same cause for which he risked his life during the war, [cheers] viz:  to preserve the Union and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution. [Cheers]  We believe that the crimes now being perpetrated in the name of republicanism and loyalty are not less alarming than were those committed by foes of the Government during the war.  The party now in power has destroyed the equality of the States, has forced the Southern states to submit to have their constitutions and laws framed by ignorant negroes just released from a condition of servitude, while at the North it has denied the negro, although comparatively well educated, even the right of suffrage; it has attempted to influence the decision of the highest tribunal of the land by calling public meetings of excited partisans to condemn in advance all member of the court who might refuse to act in accordance with their dictation, while the leading

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York, Colonel Houghton, of Maine, and delegates from Massachusetts, New Jersey, and several of the Western States. All of these elicited are the most tremendous outbursts of applause, making it evident that General Hancock is the favorite of this Convention.
Among the resolutions presented from the District of Columbia there was one which elicited much applause. It recited and condemned the outrages of Congress in forcing a negro government upon the people of Washington, and disfranchising soldiers for voting against a Radical negro candidate.

After the call of States the Convention adjourned till ten o'clock to-morrow.

This Convention will make no nomination for President and Vice President. The sentiment of the Convention is expressed in the resolutions introduced on Saturday by General L. D. Campbell, the refusal to adopt which at the time is attributed solely to the fact that General Campbell is regarded as more of a politician than a soldier, and the delegates were unwilling that so much prominences should be accorded to him in their Convention.
To-morrow the committee on resolutions will report, and the soldiers and sailors will conclude their labors.
It should not be forgotten that among the resolutions received with the greatest manifestations of enthusiasm were two pledging the support of the soldiers and sailors to the nominees of the National Democratic Convention.     W.

THE PRESIDENCY.
LETTER OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON
We give below the letter of President Johnson, addressed to a number of citizens of New York, asking if he would allow his name to be presented to the New York Convention as a candidate for the Presidency:
CITY OF NEW YORK, June 24, 1868.
To the Hon. Andrew Johnson:
SIR: The undersigned, citizens of the city of New York, having observed with satisfaction your administration of the highest executive office of the nation, and believing that the patriotism fidelity to the Constitution, and fearlessness which have hitherto marked the performance of your official duties are the highest guarantees, as well as the essential qualifications for the efficient and faithful discharges of a public office for the public good, do respectfully ask whether, if deemed desirable for the preservation and unity of the Conservative interests of this country, you will allow your name to be presented to the Democratic Convention as a candidate for the office of President of the United States?
Yours, with high respect,
F W C GGIL,    JAMES GALLATIN,
THOMAS WORRELL,  ROBERT H. BEDDELL,
WM H. APPLETON, J. W. GERARD JR.,
BENNY GRIDNELL,   FRANCIS SKIDDY,
N. A. BALDWIN, EMIL SAUER

Reply of the President
WASHINGTON, D.C., July 2, 1868.
GENTLEMEN:  To your friendly inquiry whether, "if deemed desirable for the preservation and unity of the Conservative interests of the country," I would permit my name to be presented to the Democratic Convention as a candidate for the office of President of the United Stated. I would respectfully reply that I am not ambitious of further service--I may say, indeed, of further endurance in that elevated and responsible position, unless by a call so general and unequivocal that it would be an endorsement by the people of my endeavors to defend the Constitution and the reserved rights of the several Commonwealths composing what was once in fact the Federa Union. Of such approval, in the present temper of parties, I can, perhaps, have no reasonable expectation.

All history proves that men who, in official position, oppose for any reason the cherished schemes devised by factions to acquire power, usually find more determined assailants than open and earnest defenders. Hence, in resisting measures which, although sustained by Congress, I honestly believed to be encroachments upon the Constitution, my task has been made arduous and seemingly ungracious by an opposition powerful, well organized, and possessing a controlling influence in the halls of legislation unprecedented in the history of the country. Compelled to devote my entire time to the issues that have been forced upon me, and to contend against a majority represented by two-thirds of each House of Congress, I have been unable, while striving to protect and maintain the liberties of the people, to check extravagant expenditures for objects not contemplated by the Constitution, and to lighten the burdens of taxation, which now rest so oppressively upon the nation.

In the midst of these embarrassments I have not been discouraged. When from the public prints, or from some unusually frank and outspoken friend, I have heard that I "have no party," the suggestion has only served to remind me of a memorable remark, uttered when faction ruled high in Rome, that "Caesar had a party, and Pompey an Crassus each a party, but that the Commonwealth had none.' Aiming only, as the representative of the people, to stand by the right, of the Commonwealth, may I not pertinently make the application to my own case?