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The resolution does not give an accurate picture of the internal status of the Negro people's movement. From Section 1 of the Resolution the reader might conclude, a) that there is a strong trend toward internal organizational unity with the NAACP acting as the "pivotal unifier" of all the organizations of the Negro people, and b) that the NAACP leadership has a fairly adequate immediate program and is doing "all-right" in leading the struggle. This is simply not the case. There is a common goal of "free by '63'" which all Negroes support, but the problem is that no adequate program of action is being advanced to achieve this goal. Neither is there as yet an organizational framework for co-ordinated action by the many highly organized groups in Negro life. The NAACP leadership has dragged its feet on both of these vital issues. It must be noted that every important mass action in the recent period has been initiated outside an NAACP leadership which has supported them only reluctantly. Certainly one cannot simply say that "the NAACP speaks for the entire 18 million Negro people." The approach of the Resolution tends to make the Party "tail" an NAACP leadership which is itself "tailing" the Negro masses.

Section 1 of the Resolution makes the following statement: "... the Negro people's movement is confronted with the task of overcoming the major ideological deficiency which still blunts the effectiveness of its activities -- namely, the need to know the enemy, to know the bitter opponents of Negro freedom against whom the main blows for emancipation must be directed. Continued unclarity on this vital question distinguishes the Negro freedom movement (in a negative respect) from all other movements of the world's oppressed peoples. Further, it lies at the heart of the differences which arise within the freedom movement regarding emphasis on mass protest action as against emphasis on legal (court) action ... " The main enemy is defined by the Resolution as "big business monopoly (i. e., the monopoly capitalist system). These concepts simply do not deal with reality. The authors of the Resolution are attempting to fit the Negro freedom movement into an abstract (in terms of today's conditions) "anti-monopoly coalition", instead of dealing with the real problems facing the Negro people. The entire Negro people know the immediate main enemy -- the Dixiecrats and their reactionary Republican supporters. The problem is to find the most effective means with which to defeat that enemy. The differences which arise within the freedom movement regarding mass action vs court action are based on how one fights the enemy, and on how one deals with the "powers that be" (the federal Government, etc.). In this connection it is important to project the concept that Negro leadership must be both dedicated to the welfare of the Negro people, and independent in the sense that it must be responsive to no other control than the will of the Negro people. This idea, coupled with reliance on the power of mass action, forms the basis for unity of action.

A consistent good feature of the Resolution is its emphasis on the central role of the Negro working class. However, Section III of the Resolution needs an important correction and addition. The statement is made: "This circumstance ... dictates that the Negro worker take the lead in alerting the entire labor movement to a national crusade to organize the unorganized in the South..."

On the contrary, it is the white workers in the North who who must lead the fight to organize the unorganized in the South. This section should deal in detail with the status of the labor-Negro alliance at present, since it is the most important alliance in domestic politics. Here central emphasis should be given to the fact that the labor movement has not come forward adequately in support of the struggles of the Negro people, both outside and inside the unions. Specific attention should be devoted to Randolph's proposal to set up Negro labor councils. This could be a decisive development, since such councils would form an organic link between the Negro people's movement and the labor movement; they would also serve as an organized means for the Negro working class to give leadership to the freedom movement. At the outset they should be as broad as possible in scope; they should certainly include all organized Negro workers. It would be a definite disadvantage and would tend to make the councils less independent if their membership were to be restricted to the Negro workers in the AFL-CIO.

The section on the land question in the South is treated in too general a manner to be translated into action and into the building of specific united fronts for immediate goals. For example it is stated that: "... the Negro farmers conduct their struggle through organizations and in such forms as are common to farmers generally in the country and to the Negro people in the South particularly ...", and further: "... organization of the unorganized working farmers, Negro and white, is an outstanding urgent task before the labor movement as well as the Negro people's movement. Such an organizational effort can be successfully unfolded around a program of moderate reforms ...". The "program of moderate reforms" conflicts with statements such as: "needed is the distribution of the biggest landlord