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it. The national committee meets with each other and with the state leadership, the state leadership meets with each other and the county leadership, on down the line till it gets down to the club member who is the one who is supposed to carry out the policies amongst the masses. Why can't the Party leadership on all levels carry out the policies amongst the masses together with the membership?

The key to the question of overcoming the relative isolation of the Party from the working class must begin with an examination of the overcoming of the isolation of the Party leadership itself. The Party leadership must fearlessly address itself to this key question.

In connection with this question let me conclude with a few excerpts from Khruschev at the 20th Congress, "There are still men in leading positions who come in the category of 'busy idlers.' At first glance they are very active and, true enough, they work a great deal, but to no purpose. Their conferences last late into the night, 'until the cock crows,' after which they make a lightning tour of the collective farms, chide the laggards, hold more conferences and deliver general speeches -- usually prepared in advance -- urging the farmers 'to pass the test,' 'surmount all difficulties,' 'bring about a sharp change,' 'justify the trust,' etc. But for all the exertions of such a leader, it turns out at the end of the year that matters have not changed for the better. A man, as the saying goes, "was jumping out of his skin, but didn't advance the length of a pin."

In addition he says: "The main thing in the Party's work of organization is work among the masses -- influencing the masses and rallying them for the accomplishment of the economic and political tasks set by the Party. We must no longer tolerate a situation when many workers of the Party apparatus, instead of being daily amidst the masses, confine themselves to their offices, produce reams of resolutions, while life passes them by."

MY THOUGHTS ON THE RESOLUTIONS
(A Buffalo Comrade)

The draft resolution has been presented in two parts, and it would seem impossible that the same body of people wrote both articles. The draft "political" resolution is dull, unscholarly, full of wishful thinking, full of clichés, non-Marxist, non-dialectical, and without working class orientation. The draft resolution, on the other hand, is a positive, mature document, dialectical in its approach, and based firmly on a working class approach.

The "Draft" Political Resolution

I would recommend that this document be rejected in toto, and a new paper presented with a working class base and orientation. The most glaring weakness is the lack of any attempt to evaluate the status of the working class, the position of  [[illegible]] of the social-democratic trade union leaders to account for the lack of militancy in the shops. It fails to indicate the necessary program to stem the vicious cynicism and bitterness of the workers, to create again the atmosphere that could lead the workers to greater gains and victories. Without such a program, the decade of the sixties has a far greater chance of becoming the decade for the enslavement of the American working class, rather then the rosy possibilities suggested in the introduction.

Have we traveled so far from our concept that the basic force, necessary to achieve socialism and most other progressive aims, lies in the working class and in the first place in the workers in basic industry, as to ignore them completely in a document which sets the line of the Party for the next several years? We