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apartment, or division in the field, $6500, when on other duty.
$5000; of a brigadier general, when commanding a military department, army, or division in the field, or on service as chief of bureau, $5500; when commanding a brigade, or on other duty, $5000. Of a colonel, when commanding a brigade, or military post, $3500; when commanding a regiment, or on other duty, $3000. Of a lieutenant colonel, when commanding a regiment of military post, $2800; when on other duty, $2000. Of a major, $2500. Of a captain, $2000. Of a first lieutenant, $1800.

Sec. 2. That whenever an officer is on furlough, or on leave of absence, for a period of more than sixty days his pay shall be reduced 20 per centum below ordinary duty pay for such time as is in excess over sixty days, except when such absence from duty is occasioned by sickness or wounds received while in the line of duty.

Sec. 3. That in lieu of the additional ration which was allowed to commissioned officers of the line and staff, there shall be allowed and paid to every commissioned officer ten per cent on his yearly pay, for each full and complete term of five years' continuous and faithful service as such officer, and this, in increased graduate compensation, shall be allowed in the case of any officer or soldier of volunteers who may be commissioned in the regular army to include the time during which he thus served honorably and faithfully as a volunteer.

Sec. 4. That surgeons, chaplains, military storekeepers and other officers and persons having by Law assimilated or declared rank shall be paid according to the rank which they hold by law.

Sec. 5. That forage in kind shall be allowed and drawn by mounted officers for horses actually kept by them at the place where they are on duty. That pay and allowances of all non-commissioned officers and enlisted men in the army of the United States shall continue the same as provided by the act to increase the pay of soldiers in the United States army and for other purposes, approved June 28, 1864, and by other existing laws; but hereafter each enlisted man shall, instead of any allowance for bounty, receive an increase on his pay proper of one dollar per month during the second year of his enlistment, a further increase of one dollar per month during the third year of his enlistment, and one additional dollar per month during each additional year of his enlistment; and when any soldier re-enlists immediately, or within ninety days after the expiration of a previous term of enlistment it shall be counted as one continuous term of enlistment, and he shall receive from year to year additional pay at the rate of one dollar per month on each successive year that he remains in the service. 

Sec.6. That all officers and enlisted men of the army of the United States shall be entitled to receive the pay that may be due them monthly unless the same be withheld by a sentence of a court martial or for other good cause, on the order of the Secretary of War; and any failure to make such prompt and punctual monthly payment, except for the fault of the officer or enlisted man himself, or when it is certified by the officer in command that such payment could not, from the circumstances, be conveniently made, shall be held and taken to be a military offence on the part of the Paymaster General or other officer of the Pay Department, who, being supplied with funds for that purpose, shall be willfully guilty of such neglect or refusal to pay, and shall subject the delinquent officer to trial by court martial, and such punishment as the court may direct.

Sec.7. That allowance now made by law to officers travelling under orders where transportation is not furnished in kind, shall be increased to ten cents per mild.

Sec.8. That when it is necessary to employ soldiers as artificers or laborers in the construction of permanent military works, public roads or other constant labor of not less than ten days' duration in any case, they shall receive in addition to their regular pay, the following additional compensation therefor:--Enlisted men working as artificers and non-commissioned officers employed as overseers of such work, not exceeding one overseer for every twenty men, thirty-five cents per day, and enlisted men employed as laborers twenty cents per day. But such working party shall only be authorized on the written order of a commanding officer. This allowance of extra pay is not to apply to the troops of the Engineer and Ordinance Departments. 

Sec. 9. That officers may purchase from the departments the same amount of subsistence and fuel as they are now permitted by law to draw in kind, or commute at uniform prices, to be fixed from time to time by the Secretary of War, not exceeding the average actual cost of the same exclusive of transportation upon their certificate that it is for their own [[rip/missing piece]] their families; and nothing in this act o[[rip/missing piece]]the right of officers to use without [[black smudge]] buildings [[page ripped]]regular

Mr. Leland said the Democratic party dis [[page is folded] ed from Mr. Harris' views. It did not bel[[fold]] the Southern States were ever out of the U [[page is folded]] In this he differed from Harris and Thad. Ste [[page is folded]] Mr. Dawes denied, for Mr. Stevens, (who [[page is folded]] present,) that he held the opinion that u [[page is folded]] the Constitution, the States had the right [[page is folded]] out of the Union, but he believed that they fought themselves out, were recognized as ligerents, and were conquered, and that [[page is folded]] States were now conquered territories. The speech of Mr. Harris excited great interest and comment, the members crowding [[page is folded]] him during its delivery. It is stated that our Minister to Austria under authority from the Government, inf [[page is folded]] the sovereign of that country that the send [[page is folded]] Austrian troops to Mexico would be looked [[page is folded]] as an unfriendly act, and a violation of the [[page is folded]] roe[[Monroe?]] doctrine, to the support of which we pledged. We learn officially that the [[page is folded]] Government has given the assurance such troops shall be sent to aid Maximilis [[page is folded]] The House Committee has added to [[page is folded]] list, sulphur, saltpetre, American wines, [[page is folded]] and cast-iron water-pipes, and have ta [[page is folded]] mowers and reapers, wooden ware, [[page is folded]] machinery, iron bridges and paper, ex [[page is folded]] printing, and levying a tax of five per [[page is folded]] all other qualities. The tax on clothing [[page is folded]] from one to two cents, and that on cot [[page is folded]] down from five to two cents. Cigars ten [[page is folded]] per thousand on all valued at over one [[page is folded]] and twenty dollars; smoking tobacco [[page is folded]] cents per pound, and the ten per cent. [[page is folded]] issues of State banks is suspended for [[page is folded]] from July 1st.

much of it, to tell the truth, has been used for kindling. The pigs root around his door and sleep under his house. No flower blooms around his dwelling, no green plat of grass spreads its charms before your eyes. His house is innocent of paint or whitewash, and from one window the crown of an old hat sticks out, from another a pillow. And Dick is like his house. See him, standing there motionless as a post, half bent, with his hands in his pockets. Oh! Dick, stir yourself! Put up a nice fence around your dwelling. Go put glass in your windows. Grass, flowers, gravel and whitewash are cheap. Let us take a walk over to Paul Thrifty's. Ha! we are there. Open the pretty gate. Listen to the hum of the bees. They know where to find the flowers. See! that is a humming-bird sipping daintily from the sweet honey-suckle which Mrs. Thrifty has trained by the side of the house. You walk on a clean pavement. Paul meets you at the door. His hand is hard but his heart is warm. His wife is clean, his children sweet, and every thing has an air of comfort. Paul has a home! He loves it. His voice goes up to God in prayer for his blessings in his household. The good angels hover over the place. All the covenants of promise are his. And his children may wander to the farthest verge of the green earth, but their hearts will go back to the dear old home, and their memories will recall the wise counsels, the solemn warnings, and heartfelt prayers of the parental fireside. General Fisk is an easy, clear and vigorous writer. You look through his sentence to their meaning with the ease and pleasure with which you see the objects behind broad, clean and beautiful glass. We trust our colored readers will at once obtain, read and circulate these [[rip/missing piece]] in Counsels."

found it necessary to adopt and to [[cut edge]] reasons therefor. The resolution under which your Committee was appointed, directed them to inquire into the condition of the Confederate States and report whether they were entitled to representation in Congress. It is obvious that such an investigation, covering so large an extent of territory, involving so many important considerations, must necessarily require no trifling labor, and consume a very considerable amount of time. It must embrace the condition in which those States were left at the close of the war, the measures which had been taken toward the reorganization of civil government, and the disposition of the people towards the United States; in a word, their fitness to take an active part in the administration of national affairs. THE SOUTH AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. As to their condition at the close of the rebellion, the evidence is open to all, and admits of no dispute. They were in a state of utter exhaustion. Having protracted their struggle against Federal authority until all hope of successful resistance had ceased, and laid down their arms only because there was no longer any power to use them, the people of these States were, when the rebellion was crushed, "deprived of all civil government, and must proceed to organize anew." In his conversation with Mr. Stearns, of Massachusetts, certified by himself, President Johnson said, "The State institutions are prostrated, laid out on the ground, and they must be taken up and adapted to the progress of events." Finding the Southern States in this condition, and Congress having failed to provide for the contingency, his duty was obvious. As President of the United States he had no power except to execute the laws of the land as Chief Magistrate. These laws gave him no authority on the subject of reorganization, but by the Constitution he was Commander-in Chief of the army and navy of the United States. These Confederate States embraced a portion of the people of the Union who had been in state of revolt, but had been reduced to obedience by force of arms. They were in an abnormal condition, without civil government, without commercial connections, without national or international relations, and subject only to martial law. By withdrawing their representatives in Congress, by renouncing the privilege of representation, by organizing a separate Government, and by levying war against the United States, they destroyed their State Constitutions in respect to the vital principle which connected the respective States with the Union and secured their Federal relations; and nothing of those constitutions was left of which the United States was bound to take notice. For four years they had a de facto government, but it was usurped and illegal. They chose the tribunal of arms wherein to decide whether or not it should be legalized, and they were defeated. At the close of the rebellion, therefore, the people of the rebellious States were found as the President expressed it, "deprived of all their civil governments." ACTION AND PREROGATIVES OF THE PRESIDENT. Under this state of affairs it was plainly the duty of the President to enforce existing national laws and to establish as far as he could such a system of government as might be provided for by existing national statutes. As commander-in-chief of a victorious army, it was his duty, under the law of nations and the army regulations, to restore order, to preserve property, and to protect the people against violence from any quarter, until provision should be made by law for their government. He might, as President, assemble Congress, and submit the whole matter to the law making power; or he might continue military supervision and control until Congress should assemble on its regular appointed day. Selecting the latter alternative, he proceeded, by virtue of his power as Commander-in-Chief, to appoint Provisional Governors over the revolted States. These were rugularly commissioned, and their compensation was paid, as the Secretary of War stated, "from the appropriation for army contingencies, because the duty performed by the parties were regarded as of a temporary character, auxiliary to the withdrawal of military force, the disbandment of armies, and the reduction of military expenditure, by provisional organizations for the protection of civil rights, the preservation of peace, and to take the place of armed force in the respective States." It can not, we think, be contended that those Governors possessed, or would exercise any but military authority. They had no power to organize civil governments, nor to exercise any authority except that which inhered in their own persons under their own commissions. It was for him to decide how far he would exercise it, how far he would relax it, when and on what terms he would withdraw it. He might properly permit the people to assemble and to initiate local governments, and to execute such laws as they might choose to frame not inconsistent with nor in opposition to the laws of the United States. And, if satisfied that they might safely be left to themselves, he might withdraw the military force altogether and leave the people of any or all of these States to govern themselves without his interference. In the language of the Secretary of State, in his telegram to the Provisional Governor of Georgia, dated October 28, 1865, he might "recognize the people

ganized local governments, and some of them had acceded to the terms proposed by him. In his annual message he stated, in general terms, what had been done, but he did not see fit to communicate the details for the information of Congress. While in this, and in a subsequent message the President urged the speedy restoration of these States, and expressed the opinion that their condition was such as to justify their restoration, yet it is quite obvious that Congress must either have acted blindly on that opinion of the President, or proceeded to obtain the information requisite for intelligent action on the subject. The impropriety of proceeding wholly on the judgement of any one man, however exalted his station, in a matter involving the welfare of the Republic in all future time, or of adopting any plan, coming from any source, without fully understanding all its bearings and comprehending its full effect, was apparent. The first step, therefore, was to obtain the required information. A call was accordingly made on the President for all the information in his possession as to what had been done, in order that Congress might judge for itself as to the grounds of the belief expressed by him in the fitness of the States recently in rebellion to participate fully in the conduct of national affairs. This information was not immediately communicated, and was only communicated upon a third call. When the response was finally made, some six weeks after your Committee had been in actual session, it was found that the evidence upon which the President had based his suggestions was incomplete and unsatisfactory. Authenticated copies of the new constitutions and ordinances adopted by the conventions of three of the States had been submitted, extracts from newspapers had furnished scanty information as to the action of one other State, and nothing appears to have been communicated as to the remainder. There was no evidence as to the loyalty of those who had participated in these conventions, and in one State alone was any proposition made to submit the action of the conventions to the final judgment of the people. Failing to obtain the desired information, and left to grope for light wherever it might be found, your committee did not deem it advisable or safe to adopt, without further examination, the suggestions, more especially as he had not deemed it expedient to remove the military force, to suspend martial law or restore the writ of habeas corpus, but still thought it necessary to exercise over the people of the rebellious States his military power and jurisdiction. This conclusion derived still greater force from the fact, undisputed, that in all these States except Tennessee and perhaps Arkansas, the elections which were held for State officers and members of Congress had resulted, almost universally, in the defeat of candidates who had been true to the Union, and in the election of notorious and unpardoned rebels, men who could not take the prescribed oath of office, and who made no secret of hostility to the Government and people of the United States. Under these circumstances any thing like hasty action would have been as dangerous as it was obviously unwise. It appeared to your committee that but one course remained, viz: to investigate thoroughly and carefully the state of feeling existing among these States, to ascertain how far their pretended loyalty could be relied upon, and thence to infer whether it would be safe to admit them at once to a full participation in the Government they have sought for four years to destroy. It was an equally important inquiry whether their restoration to their former relations with the United States should only be granted upon certain conditions and guarantees which would effectually secure the nation against a recurrence of evils so disastrous as those from which it had escaped at so enormous a sacrifice. To obtain the necessary information, recourse could only be had to the examination of witnesses whose position had given them the best means of forming an accurate judgment, who could state facts from their own observations, and whose character and standing afforded the best evidence of their truthfulness and impartiality. A work like this, covering so large an extent of territory, and embracing such complicated and extensive inquiries, necessarily required much time and labor. To shorten the time as much as possible, the work was divided and placed in the hands of four sub-committees, who have been diligently employed in its accomplishment. The results of their labors have been heretofore submitted, and the country will judge how far they sustain the President's views, and how far they justify the conclusions your Committee have finally arrived at. SOUTHERN CLAIMS TO REPRESENTATION. A claim for the immediate admission of Senators and Representatives from the so-called Confederate States, has been urged, which seems to your Committee not to be founded in reason or in law, and which cannot be passed without comment. Stated in a few words it amounts to this: That, inasmuch as the lately insurgent States had no legal right to separate themselves from the Union, they still retain their positions as States, and consequently the people thereof have a right to immediate representation in Congress, without the imposition of any conditions whatever, and further that, until such admission, Congress has no right to tax them for the support of the Government. It has been contended that, until such admission, all legislation affecting their

public law, that the war thus waged, was a civil war of the greatest magnitude. The people waging it were necessarily subject to all the rules which, by the law of nations, control a contest of that character, and to all the legitimate consequences following it. One of those consequences was that within the limits prescribed by humanity, the conquered rebels were at the mercy of the conquerors; that a Government thus outraged had a most perfect right to exact indemnity for the injuries done, and security against the recurrence of such outrages in the future, would seem too clear for dispute. What proof should be required of a return to allegiance, what time should elapse before a people thus demoralized should be restored in full to the enjoyment of political rights and privileges, are questions for the law-making power to decide, and that decision gave considerations of the public safety and the general welfare. It is moreover contended, and with apparent gravity, that from the peculiar nature and character of our Government, no such right on the part of the conqueror can exist; that from the moment that rebellion lays down its arms and actual hostilities cease, all political rights of rebellious communities are at once restored; that because the people of a State of the Union were once an organized community within the Union, they of necessity so remain, and their rights to be represented in Congress at any and all times, and to participate in the government of the country under all circumstances, admit of neither question nor dispute. If this is indeed true, then is the Government of the United States powerless for its own protection, and flagrant rebellion carried to the extreme of civil war, is a pastime which any State may play at-not only certain that it can lose nothing in any event, but may even be the gainer by defeat. If it fails the war has been barren of results, and the battle may be still fought out in the legislative halls of the country. Treason, defeated in the field, has only to take possession of Congress and the Cabinet. Your committee does not deem it either necessary or proper to discuss the question whether the late Confederate States are still States of this Union, or can ever be otherwise. Granting this profitless abstraction, about which so many words have been wasted, it by no means follows that the people of those States may not place themselves in a condition to abrogate the powers and privileges incident to a State of the Union, and deprive themselves of all pretense of right to exercise those powers and enjoy those privileges. A State within the Union has obligations to discharge as a member of the Union. It must submit to and uphold Federal authority. It must have a government republican in form, under and by which it is connected with the General Government, and through which it can discharge its obligations .It is more than idle, it is a mockery, to contend that a people who have thrown off their allegiance, destroyed the local government which bound their States to the Union as members thereof, defied its authority, refused to execute its laws, and abrogated law that gave them political rights within the Union, still retain, through all, the perfect and entire right to resume at their own will and pleasure, all their privileges in the Union, and especially to participate in its government, and to control the conducts of its affairs. To admit such a principle for one moment would be to declare that treason is always master, and loyalty a blunder. Such a principle is void by its very nature and essence because inconsistent with the theory of government and fatal to its very existence. On the contrary, we assert that no portion of the people of this country, whether in State or Territory, have ethe right, while remaining on its soil, to withdraw from or reject the authority of the United States. They must acknowledge its jurisdiction. they have no right to secede, and while they can destroy their State Governments, and place themselves beyond the pale of the Union, so far as the exercise of the State privileges is concerned, they can not escape the obligations imposed upon them by the Constitution and the laws, nor impair the exercise of national authority. The Constitution, it will be observed, does not act upon the States as such, but upon the people. While, therefore, the people cease to exist in an organized form, and thus dissolve their political relations with the United States. That taxation should be only with the consent of the taxed through their own representatives, is a cardinal principle of all free governments; but is not that taxation and representation must go together under all circumstances and at every moment in time. The people of the District of Columbia and all of the Territories are taxed, although not represented in Congress. It is equally true that the people of the so-called Confederate States had no right to throw off the authority of the United States; it is equally true that they are bound at all times to share the burdens of government. They can not, either legally or equitably, refuse to bear their just proportions of these burdens by voluntarily abdicating their rights and privileges as States of the Union, and refusing to be represented in the counsels of the nation; much less by rebellion against national authority and levying war. To hold that by so doing they could escape taxation would be to offer a permission for insurrection to remove instead of punishing treason. To hold that as soon as government is restored to its full

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