Viewing page 57 of 100

This transcription has been completed. Contact us with corrections.

POLITICAL POWER
GUYOT & THELWELL

white political supremacy, and that they-who had been told by the system that they were nothing-could from the strength of organization affect the system.

Of equal importance was the fact that we emerged from the campaign with a [[italics]] state-wide network of precinct and county organizations [[italics]] and an Executive Committee representative of all five Congressional districts. It is possible that with all the national furor caused by the Convention challenge, this legacy of grass-root, structured organization on a statewide basis will prove to be the most lasting, effective product of that challenge.

From November 4, 1964, the date of general federal elections in Mississippi, until September 16, 1965, the major resources and energies of the MFDP were directed towards the challenging of the elections of the five representatives to the U.S. House of Representatives. Again, it is not possible here to give a detailed report and analysis of the events-in Mississippi and in Washington-surrounding the final disposition of these challenges which served to maintain the five Mississippi representatives in Congress.

The issue was brought before the House of Representatives under the section of the Constitution which authorizes the House to be the sole judge of the credentials and qualifications of its membership.

[[bold italics]]illegally elect Congressmen[[bold italics]]

Our position was that no elections held under conditions which by reason of race deliberately and systematically excluded nearly half of the population of a state could be [[italics]]legal.[[italics]] We asked the Congress not to seat the members from Mississippi and to require that the new elections open to all citizens be held. After a vote on January 4, in which the Mississippi Congressmen were seated pending further investigation, the issue did not come before the House again for nine months.

During these nine months between votes on the challenge, two facts became public knowledge. The first was that the Democratic party leadership of the House was determined at all costs to avoid any vote on the issue of the Mississippi elections. While not wanting to unseat the Mississippi delegation, the House leadership did not wish to appear contemptuous of the Constitution, which is, after all, the source of their authority. Any vote in favor of the Mississippi delegation could not help but appear to be the most cynical disregard for that document. No satisfactory device for evading this issue was found, and another vote was taken.

247