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Strength of France. [[line]] Extract from a large publication on the strength, projects, etc. of France and Russia. As to the military force of France it appears to be equal to the military force of the rest of Europe, Russia excepted; "the peace of Nimegeuen made the dominions of Louis XIV, the most compact and populous kingdom in Europe : that of Utrecht extended them to Spain and the Indies, and a natural consequence was the consolidation of the military preponderance of that monarchy. The present situation of Holland, Germany, and Italy, was then foreseen, and the rising of Great Britain itself was then predicted." It is shrewdly and sneeringly remarked, that the former was the 'preliminary' to the subjection of Europe, and the latter the 'definitive treaty': the one put France in an offensive position, the other destroyed the defensive means of all her neighbours. From a general review of the subject it appears that "The political advantages which the republic, in a military point of view, possessed in preference to her neighbour, are. "I, An immense, secure, annual revenue. "We have already observed, that the European territory and industry of France, are capable of producing. Without inconveniency to the public, 30,000,000l. sterling to government. "Or, if we take fifteen per cent, as a medium assessment by cadastre, of the property and income of the nation, it will give the said sum and upwards. "From these thirty millions deduct about two millions, which the consulate is yet pleased to allow to the creditors of the state, and there will remain a clear and unincumbered revenue of 208,000,000l. sterling. A sum equal to, if not exceeding the unincumbered part of the revenues of Europe. Add to this, that, in all other European states, the public imports, as they are raised, amount to upwards of thirty per cent upon the income of the taxable part of the community. "2. The military organization of the republic. "By the conscription laws, every male is liable to serve in the lowest military capacity: there is neither legal exemption nor privileged preferment: and consequently, there is no subject for jealousy in the army, nor for discontent in the community. In France upwards of six millions of men are able to carry arms; of these, two millions and an half are between 18 and 23. Any number of these young men may be armed and put in motion by a parole d'ordre; for both the legislation and sovereignty of the republic are in the staff of the army: the military is the only road to consideration and power. And such is now the reputation of that profession, that to avoid the contempt of the public, it is necessary to serve or to have served. These are the advantages which no other government possesses. "3. The frontiers and avant-posts of the republic. In a defensive point of view, since the meridian of the Roman power to the present time, no [[st?]]ate had ever its frontiers so judiciously covered as those of the French republic now are. The strength of the frontier lines of monarchical France has often been proved: the subjugation of Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, render those lines now, we may say, inaccessible. Those vassal auxiliaries, being acknowledged by the rest of stupified Europe as independent states, may either serve as neutral outworks or will have to maintain French armies sufficient to oppose any force that can be brought against them. Considered as offensive, the strength of her frontiers, and the localities of her several dependents, must necessarily give to the armies of France a decided preponderance in Europe. From the Ems, up the Rhine to Basil and Feldkirk; from thence by Verona and the Adriatic sea to Calabria, the republic is covered with a chain of double and triple lines of natural barriers and military posts. Secure at home, her avant departments open to her armies every part of the continent from the Morea to Pomerania. Bonaparte's legions may be at the gates of Vienna and Berlin, before the Austrian and Prussian cabinets have any suspicion of the Consul's hostile intentions. Lord Paramount of Naples, the cession of Malta, and all other military and naval stations in the Mediterranean, by Great Britain, puts the Turkish government under the immediate direction of the consulate. With the command of Constantinople, or only enjoying the freedom of navigating the Dardannelles and Bosphorus of Thrace, the republic will check the operation even of Russia itself; and may make that mighty empire subservient to her future projects, "We have already stated, that the fisheries and trade of the republic, in her present situation, will employ and maintain 120,000 able seamen; and by managing other powers with pacifick prudence, she may double the number of her sailors, and secure a dominion on the ocean, before any of her neighbors be aware of her design. Commanding the powers, the ports and arsenals of Spain, Italy and Turkey, France may very soon possess the absolute sovereignty of the Mediterranean; with the Rhine, she had the forests of Germany for the use of her dock yards; with Holland she acquires and extent of coast and a chain of seaports, which may enable her to raise a numerous navy in a few years." The leading policy of France has ever been to reduce the power and political influence of Great-Britain; with the same dispositions she has now more power than she ever had. The annulment of the treaty of Amiens, indeed by which we retain possession of Malta and the consequent superiority in the Mediterranean, has abridged the consular power in that quarter since these sketches were written. If France however, is mistress of the south-west half of continental Europe, Russia claims a similar dominion over the north and eastern parts." "These two mighty empires are come in contact; Berlin, Vienna, Constantinople, can only be considered as their neutral ports, situate in their line of demarcation." The free, secure, and independent communication between the southern provinces of Russia and the Mediterranean is of too great importance to be abandoned; nor is the republic of France likely to cede the navigation which it has obtained of the black Sea. If these two powers then do not go mutual shares in the trade and government of the Turkish empire, an event perhaps possible, which of the parties is to give up its pretension? "The cabinet of Petersburgh must certainly know that sholud the consulate be allowed to assume an ascendency at Constantinople, or to intermeddle in the affairs of Turkey, the fate of Muscow may again be disputed at Pulowa! Will the present government of France retract and leave the seraglio and St. Sophia to the desecration of the Russians? In that case a Cossack and Highland army, seconded by a Russian and British fleet, might yet confine the empire of Buonaparte to the government of his Gauls of the west. -- Or can the ambition of Russia and the avarice of France be satisfied with a partial partition of Turkey? "Thus between these two governments matters seem to come to a crisis." -- Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this city, dated Baton Rouge, Oct.16. "The report of Kemper's insurrection which was a vile attempt of a banditti, that never amounted to 40 men, headed by a poor trifling wretch, and whose object was plunder, has drawn Governor Folck from Pensacola to this place, with a reinforcement of a few hundred regulars for the garrison, which is putting in a state of defence. He has an armed sch. on the Lake, to keep up a communication with Pensacola. The inhabitants of the different districts between the line and Manshac have been assembled, and are it is said about opening a road between the Mississippi and Pensacola, as Folck thinks it probable, from the tone and discourse of the Governor of New-Orleans, that an attempt will be made on his province, either by force or fraud -- these intentions are not at all concealed, but in every ones mouth. The militia of Baton Rouge turned out with the greatest alacrity to suppress the banditti, as soon as called on, but these latter on their approach fled across the line, and the major part have since found a refuge immediately on the north side of it, at a place called Pinckney-Ville; and although several residents of that place, and others of the Mississippi territory, were concerned in the insurrection, embodied on the American side of the line, and marched thence in arms, to disturb the Spanish government, and rob the people of an allied nation, (though their commander, who signed the proclamation, was a militia officer of the Mississippi territory) still no notice was taken of them: and it leads us to suppose here, that your government was underhandedly concerned in fomenting this disturbance, for the sake of profiting by our confusion and ruin. We are here fully determined to make a desperate resistance in case of being immediately attacked by the Americans: or perhaps, if we see preparations made to that effect, we will not wait for the invaders, but boldly advance and meet them on their own ground, and risk a battle. We firmly believe we can count on a perfect neutrality of the inhabitants of Louisiana, who say the American government has robbed them of the rights and privileges stipulated for them by Bonaparte, and that they do not see what they have to do with the quarrel, or what benefit will arise to them from an attempt to enslave us like themselves, in order to support a preposterous and foolish claim of your administration; who, blinded by their good fortune in obtaining, almost while asleep, the finest province in America, are not inclined to risk the loss of it, plunge their country in a war in order to aggrandize their already too unwieldy territory. They count on our weakness, but they had better open their eyes to their own situation. -- New-Orleans with its works in ruins, whose fortifications Governor Claiborne promised to be demolished by the people, a few says after his arrival, that they might make firewood of the pickets, may tempt us as much as Mobile does President Jefferson. -- And on the arrival of the Marquis of Russignoc, who is expected at Pensacola with twelve regiments from Europe, and a fleet of small craft for the Lakes from Havanna, we shall then be in a condition to bid defiance to your attempts. The people of this country are heartily attached to their Government. they pay no duties, no taxes, get lands gratis, and have nothing more to wish for, while we see our late brethren at Orleans buthened with imposts, about to be taxed by a soi disant council, and without the possibility of obtaining an acre of land for their poor families. It is true they talked a great deal on the 4th of July last about liberty, but it was an embrio liberty, which it may take a century to bring to maturity among them; and the poor devils to whom these discourses were held, hung down their heads like asses who received blows instead of a feed of corn. We understand here that similar farces are acted in your Atlantic cities on the same day; that paid or pensioned orators harrange the people, talk of liberty, and afterwards abuse those who do not cry out like themselves. The people of Orleans were not dupes on this occasion, they had but two days before assembled in a large hall to hear their memorial read, and in testimony of their liberty the Governor took that opportunity to perade the whole of his garrison, who marched with their usual loud and discordant music before the doors in order to give them a decent hint that if they felt any pain for the loss of liberty, and want of their stipulated rights he had a steel medicine for them. It was in vain to excite trouble, the people wer quiet, and the Governor himself had not an opportunity of drawing the enormous sabre with which he struted from his palace to the Colonel's house, and which in case of a cry of Vive la Liberte would have doubtless put an end to the Caitiff who pronounced it, or to the abandoned hussey herself had she personally appeared before him. I have mentioned these circumstances to shew you we have nothing to fear from below until our reinforcements arrive from Europe and Havanna, and when this is done, we shall rather rejoice at the approch of a rupture than dread it. -- CONGRESS. - HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. - Friday, November 23. Mr. Richards from the joint committee of enrolled bills, reported that the committee had examined and found to be correct a bill for the further carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, between the United States and his Britannic majesty. Whereupon the Speaker signed the said bill. Mr. Eustis, from the committee to whom was referred so much of the president's message as related to merchant vessels being allowed to arm, reported a bill which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole house for Monday. Mr. Hastings presented a petition from Pliny Earle, of Worcester, in the state of Massachusettes; praying for an amendment to the act for the encouragement of arts, which was referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures. On motion, the resolution of Mr. Holland respecting the appointment of a chairman to the different committees was taken up; and after a few observations by several of the members, the question was taken thereon and the resolution disagreed to. Yeas 33. Mr. R Griswold then submitted a resolution, "that each of the committees should have the power of choosing their chairman; but in case they omitted to choose, the first named on the committee should act as chairman; and in case he was absent or excused by the house, then the second named, and so in like manner, the first named on the committee present should act as chairman for the time being," which was ordered to lie till Monday. The Speaker laid before the house a letter from Samuel L. Mitchell, notifying the house that he had resigned his seat as a member of that body, he having been appointed a senator. On motion of Mr. Thomas, the Speaker was directed to inform the executive of the State of New York of the said resignation. Mr. Clark moved 'that a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of allowing further time to the claimants of lands, South of the State of Tennessee, to register their evidence of title in the office of the Secretary of State; and to report thereon which was agreed to, and a committee of three appointed.' The house by unanimous consent took into consideration the resolution submitted by Mr. R. Griswold, respected the appointment of the different chairmen to the committees. When on motion of Dr. Eustis, the resolution was so modified as to read! 'Resolved, that the first named member of every committee appointed by the speaker of the house shall be the chairman, and if he be absent, then the second named, and so in like manner the senior member shall be chairman until the committee shall deem it proper to appoint a chairman by 'a majority of votes.' The question being taken upon the passage of the resolution, it was determined in the affirmative, without a division. Adjourned until Monday next. Monday Nov. 26. The Speaker laid before the House the following letter received by the Clerk. Salem (Mass.) U.S.A. 16 Nov. 1804 Sir, I have received with every sentiment of gratitude, the notice of the late appointment as Chaplain to the House of Representatives at Washington; the highest sense of the honor done me, & the most sincere affection to the administration of government in the United States, urge my acceptance, but the nature of my habits and my present employments and engagements oblige me to ask that I may be permitted to continue my services to my country in the sincere duties which belong to my present situation, while I shall never forget the testimony of public favor and never refuse to my country my best endeavours for its freedom and happiness. I am with due respect. Your devoted servant. WILLIAM BENTLY. John Beckly, Esq. Clerks office of the House of Representatives of the United States. Several petitions from Alexandria were read against Congress making any alterations in their charter at present. A message from the president informing that he had approved and signed the act making further appropriation for carrying into effect the British convention. A message from the Senate announcing their concurrence in
