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FEB. 18. | THE LIBERATOR. | 27
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a remarkable speech of any kind, except on slavery. Mr. Webster, having indulged now and then in a little easy rhetoric, as at Niblo's and elsewhere, generously contributing his aid to both sides, opens his mouth in 1850, and stops talking about it only when death closes his lips.  Mr. Benton's six or eight speeches in the United States Senate have all been on the subject of slavery in the Southwestern section of the country, and form the basis of whatever claim he has to the character of a statesmen, and owes his seat in the next Congress to anti-slavery pretensions!  The Whig and Democratic parties pledged themselves just as emphatically against the anti-slavery discussion-against agitation and free speech.  These men said, 'It shan't be talked about, it won't be talked about!'  These are {italics] your statesmen! [/italics}-men who understand the present, that is, and mould the future!  The man who understands his own time and whose genius moulds the future to his views, he is a statesmen, is he not?  These men devoted themselves to banks, to the tariff, to the internal improvements, to the constitutional and financials questions.  They said to Slavery-'Back! no entrance here!  We pledge ourselves against it.'  And then there came up a humble printer boy, who whipped them into the traces, and made them talk, like Hotspur's starling, nothing BUT slavery.  He scattered all these gigantic shadows-tariff, bank, constitutional questions, financial questions-and Slavery, like the colossal head in Walpole's romance, came up and filled the whole political horizon! (Enthusiastic applause.)  Yes you must remember he is not a statesmen; he is a 'fanatic.'  He has no discipline-Mr. 'ION' says so; he does not understand the 'discipline that is essential to victory'!  This man did not understand his own time-he did not know what the future was to be-he was not able to shape it-he had no 'prudence'-he had no 'foresight'!  Daniel Webster says, 'I have never introduced this subject, and never will'-and died broken-hearted because he had not been able to talk enough about it.  Benton says, 'I will never speak of slavery'-and lives to break with his party on this issue!  Mr. Clay says it is 'moral treason' to introduce the subjects into Congress, and lives to see Congress turned into an Anti-Slavery Debating Society, to suit the purpose of one 'too powerful individual'!
These were statesmen, mark you! They have gone to their graves covered with eulogy; and our national stock of eloquence is all insufficient to describe how profound and far-reaching was the sagacity of Daniel Webster! Remember who it was that said, in 1831, 'I am in earnest - I will not equivocate - I will not excuse - I will not retreat a single inch - [[italics]] and I will be heard! [[/italics]]' (Repeated cheers.) That speaker has lived twenty-two years, and the complaint of twenty-three millions of people is, 'Shall we ever hear of any thing but slavery?' (Cheers.) I heard Dr. Kirk, of Boston, say in his own pulpit, when he returned from London - where he had been as a representative to the 'Evangelical Alliance' - 'I went up to London, and they asked me what I thought of the question of immediate emancipation? They examined us all. Is an American never to travel any where in the world, but men will throw this troublesome question in his face?' Well, it is all HIS fault [pointing to Mr. GARRISON.] (Enthusiastic cheers.)
Now, when we come to talk of statesmanship, of sagacity in choosing time and measures, of endeavor, by proper means, to right the public mind, of keen insight into the present and potent sway over the future, it seems to me that the abolitionists, who have taken - whether for good or for ill, whether to their discredit or to their praise - this country by the four corners, and shaken it until you can hear nothing but slavery, whether you travel in railroad or steamboat, whether you enter the hall of legislation or read the columns of a newspaper - it seems to me that such men may point to the present aspect of the nation, to their originally avowed purpose, to the pledges and efforts of all your great men against them, and allow you to settle to which side the credit of sagacity and statesmanship belongs. Napoleon employed himself, at St. Helena in showing how Wellington ought not to have conquered at Waterloo. The world has never got time to listen to the explanation. Sufficient for them that the Allies entered Paris. In like manner, it seems hardly the province of a defeated Church and State to deny the skill of measures by which they have been conquered! 

It may sound strange to some, this claim for Mr. Garrison of a profound statesmanship. Men have heard him styled a mere fanatic so long, that they are incompetent to judge him fairly. 'The phrases men are accustomed,' says Goethe, 'to repeat incessantly, end by becoming convictions, and ossify the organs of intelligence.' I cannot accept you, therefore, as my jury. I appeal from Felix to Caesar; from the prejudice of our streets to the common sense of the world, and to your children. 

Every thoughtful and unprejudiced mind must see that such an evil as slavery will yield only to the most radical treatment. If you consider the work we have to do, you will not think us needlessly aggressive, or that we dig down unnecessarily deep in laying the foundations of our enterprise. A money power of two thousand millions of dollars, as the prices of slaves now range, held by a small body of able and desperate men; that body raised into a political aristocracy by special constitutional provisions; cotton, the product of slave labor, forming the basis of our whole foreign commerce, and the commercial class thus subsidized; the press bought up, the pulpit reduced to vassalage, the heart of the common people chilled by a bitter prejudice against the black race; our leading men bribed, by ambition, either to silence or open hostility--in such a land, on what shall an abolitionist rely? On a few cold prayers, mere lip-service, and never from the heart? On a Church Resolution, hidden often in its records, and meant only as a decent cover for servility in daily practice? On political parties, with their superficial influence at best, and seeking, ordinarily, only to use existing prejudices to the best advantage? Slavery has deeper root here than any aristocratic institution has in Europe; and Politics is but the common pulse-beat of which Revolution is the fever spasm. Yet we have seen European aristocracy survive storms which seemed to reach down to the primal strata of European life. How shall the stream rise above its fountain? Where shall our church organizations or parties get strength to attack their great parent and moulder, the Slave Power? Shall the thing formed say to him that formed it, why hast thou made me thus? The old jest of one who tried to lift himself in his own basket is but a tame picture of the man who imagines that, by working solely through existing sects and parties, he can destroy slavery. Mechanics say nothing but an earthquake strong enough to move all Egypt, can bring down the Pyramids. 

Experience has confirmed these views. The abolitionists who have acted on them have a 'short method' with all unbelievers. They have but to point to their own success, in contrast with every other man's failure. To waken the nation to its real state, and chain it to the consideration of this one duty, is half the work. So much we have done. Slavery has been made the question of this generation. To startle the South to madness, so that every step she takes, in her blindness, is one step more toward ruin, is much. This we have done. Witness Texas and the Fugitive Slave Law. To have elaborated for the nation the only plan of redemption, pointed out the only Exodus from this 'sea of troubles,' is much. This we claim to have done in our motto of IMMEDIATE, UNCONDITIONAL EMANCIPATION ON THE SOIL. The closer any statesmanlike mind looks into the question, the more favor our plan finds with it. The Christian asks fairly of the Infidel, 'If Religion be not from God, how do you explain its triumph, and the history of the first three centuries?' Our question is similar. If our agitation has not been wisely planned and conducted, explain for us the history of the last twenty years? Experience is a safe light to walk by, and he is not a rash man who expects success in future from the same means which have secured it in times past. 

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No Union with Slaveholders.

It is needless to call the special attention of the readers of THE LIBERATOR, on both sides of the Atlantic, to the luminous and eloquent defence of American abolitionists--their method and philosophy of action--their labors, researches and discoveries--against the assaults and aspersions of either ignorant, superficial or malignant critics, contained in the elaborate speech of WENDELL PHILLIPS, which occupies more than one half of our present number, and which cannot fail to make deep impression upon the public mind. The calumniated friends of the slave are shut up to the same necessity in which Paul found himself with his brethren, when he declared, 'We are compelled to be fools in glorying' and yet without folly or egotism, but in justice to the cause of righteousness and freedom. 

In our next number, our readers will have the pleasure of perusing the excellent speech of THEODORE PARKER, also made at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts A. S. Society. Extra copies will be for sale at the Anti-Slavery Office. 

We copied into our last number, two most scurrilous and brutal articles from the Syracuse Star, (one of the vilest prints in the country, and Webster-Whig in its politics,) in which it was exultingly announced, that, in consequence of an attempt of Mr. William G. Allen, (whom the Star designated as 'Sambo,') one of the Professors at McGrawville College, and a most accomplished colored gentleman and scholar, to consummate marriage with a respectable white young lady, he was fiendishly assailed by a mob, and narrowly escaped with his life. Below we give Prof. A's account of the affair. 


So much has been said and written upon the subject of the late affair at Fulton, that the Public by this time must have had nearly 'quantum sufficit,' yet I deem it not improper on my own behalf to add a remark or two. I shall not undertake to describe in detail, the murderous outrage intended to have been inflicted upon a quiet and unoffending man--that is not of much consequence now. 

I wish now simply to show the public, that those who made the onslaught upon me on Sabbath evening, a week ago, acted no less like a pack of fools than a pack of devils. And this can be shown almost in a single word, by stating that the whole story of my intention of being married on the evening in question, or that I went to Fulton intending to consummate an affair of the kind, at any period of my late visit there, is a fabrication from the beginning to the end. The wretch who 'fixed up' just such a story as he thought would inflame the rabble to take my life, will yet, I trust, meet with deserved scorn and contempt from a community who, whatever may be their prejudice against my color, have, nevertheless, a high sense of what belongs to their own honor and dignity, and to the character and reputation of their village. 

I make this statement with regard to this matter of marriage, not because I regard thyself as amenable to the public to state to them whom or when I shall marry, but that, since so much has been said upon the subject, I am quite willing they should know the truth as it is. They are tyrants, and very little-hearted and exceedingly muddy-headed ones at that, who will presume to take a matter of this kind out of the hands of the parties to whom it specifically belongs, and who are acting law-abidingly and honorably in the premises. 

Here then is the story. Read it. A band of several hundred armed men--armed, as I have been told, with an empty barrel spiked with shingle nails, tar, feathers and a pole, came down upon a certain house in Phillipsville, opposite Fulton, on Sabbath evening, a week ago, to kill or drive out a single individual, conducting himself in a quiet, peaceable manner, and that individual too, in physical stature, one of the smallest of men and in physical strength proportionately inferior! If this is not cowardice as well as villany--and both of them double-refined----then I ask what is cowardice, or what is villainy? The malignity of the whole matter also is set in a clearer light, when it is remembered that this same individual has never injured one of his assailants, nor has it been charged upon him that in his life-time he has ever inflicted the slightest wrong upon mortal man; who has striven to maintain an upright character through life, and to fight his way for long years through scorn and contempt, to an honorable position among men. Truly, this is a precious country! However, it is some consolation to know that God is just, and that his justice cannot sleep forever.' 

A gentleman of Fulton writes an article upon this subject to the Oswego Daily Times, of Feb. 3d. The spirit of this gentleman's article dishonors his heart. So filled is he with a prejudice which an eminent Christian of this country has rightly characterized   as a 'blasphemy against God,' and a 'quarrel with Jehovah,' that he will not even deign to call me by name--to say nothing of the title which has been legitimately accorded me--but designates me as a 'colored man, &c.' The object of this writer, in thus refusing to accord to me so cheap and common a courtesy, is apparent, and as contemptible as apparent. Let him have the glory of it--I pity him. Had I been a white man, he I would not have so 'violated' what he is such a stickler for--'the laws and usages of society.' 

In another place in his article, he describes me as the 'negro.' This is preposterous and ridiculous. Were I a negro, I should regard it as no dishonor, since men are not responsible for their physical peculiarities, and since they are neither better nor worse on account of them. It happens in this case, however, that so far from being a negro, three-fourths of the blood which flows in my veins is as good Anglo-Saxon as that which flows in the veins of this writer in the 'Times'--better I will not say, of course. 

Something also is said in this article from Fulton, about the 'course we (the young lady and myself) were pursuing.' Now as the several hundred armed men strong, who came down upon me on Sunday night, and some newspaper editors, and this gentleman in particular, and the public very nearly in general, have taken the matter of judging what this 'course we were pursuing' was out of our hands, I propose to leave it still further with them. They can guess at it, and fight it out to their heart's content. 

Something also is said by this gentleman about 'wholesome advice being given me'--but I didn't hear it, that's all. Besides, I never take advice from those who cannot tell the difference between a man and his skin. O, I despise them 'too bad.' 

One gentleman--a true man--came to me and expressed his deep sympathy for me, and his sorrow that I had been so wrongfully treated and shamefully outraged, and entreated me to regard with pity, and not with anger, the murderous devils outside. This is the speech that I remember, and remember it to thank the friend for his manifestation of kind and generous emotions. 

This Fulton 'committee man' says also, that 'the colored man asked if he was to be left to be torn to pieces.' Beyond a doubt I asked that question. It was certainly, under the circumstances, the most natural question in the world; for I had really begun to think that the fellows outside had the genuine teeth and tail. 

I close this article. To the committee who so kindly lent me their protection, on that memorable night, I offer my thanks and lasting gratitude. 

To the poor wretches who sought to take my life, I extend my pity and forgiveness. 

As to myself--having in my veins, though but in a slight degree, the blood of a despised, crushed, and persecuted people, I ask no favors of the people of this country, and get none save from those whose Christianity is not hypocrisy, and who are willing to 'do unto others as they would that others should do unto them'--and who regard all human beings who are equal in character as equal to one another. 

Respectfully.  WM. G. ALLEN. 
The admirable speech of Mr. PHILLIPS was phonographically reported for THE LIBERATOR by J. M. W. YERRINTON, but has been revised and somewhat extended by the author.

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FREDERICK DOUGLASS, who was present at Albany, at the recent trial and conviction of ENOCH REED, a colored man, for having participated in the rescue of the fugitive slave JERRY, writes to his paper an account of the trial, in which he says--

We have spoken of the vindication of the Fugitive Slave Law, as it is called. But, in truth, the victory, after all, is not a victory of the Fugitive Slave Law. Enoch Reed has not been committed under that Law. He has not been tried under it. So far as his trial is concerned, that inhuman enactment is still under the mud of Syracuse, where it was trampled down by the feet of three thousand freemen on the first of October, 1851. The Government refused, in Enoch's case, so much as to touch it with one of its fingers. It lies there, soiled, torn, and insulted, despised and spit upon, with 'none so poor as to do it reverence.' We know little about the forms of law, and willingly confess that our ignorance may expose us to ridicule, and even to contempt; but it does seem to us that there was something discreditable, mean and cowardly in the government, in thus trying the case of Enoch Reed. His crime (if crime it was) was that of obstructing a process under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. He was indicted under that act. The penalty attached to a violation of that act is plainly set forth in the act itself. The act is more stringent than that of 1790. The penalty in the former is much heavier than in the latter. 

Now the question is, (and will be asked by the slaveholders, as well as by the people of the North,) 'Why did the government refuse to make an issue on the law of 1850, the law, and the only law intended to be defied and trampled upon by those who rescued Jerry from the officers who had him in charge on the 1st October, 1851?' Why did they make an issue with the defendant on the law of '90, instead of the law of '50? They make an issue on a law of which the defendant had, probably, never heard until he was brought into court for trial. Why did they try him under law no way odious, when the law, alleged to have been violated, provided the measure and manner of the punishment for its own infraction? Does the vindication of a general and popular law, vindicate and establish a peculiar, unpopular, and hateful one? Is not the fact that the law of ninety-three, instead of the law of fifty, was selected, a virtual confession of the doubtful constitutionality of the latter, by the Court? So it looks to us. So it will look at the South. If the Court had regarded the Fugitive Slave Law as adapted to to accomplish the desired end, namely, the conviction and punishment of offenders against it, why did it not allow the case to be tried under that law, that it (not the law of '90) might be vindicated? Again, we ask, why was Enoch tried under the law of '90? Was it to lessen his punishment, if convicted? or was it to make his conviction difficult, and give him a better chance to escape the punishment which must be meted under the Fugitive Slave Law? It would be pleasant to assign this last reason for the action of the government, if any one sane man in ten thousand would give it the slightest credence. Most plainly, the government took this course to make the conviction of Enoch easy and certain. The law of '50 lay bleeding at their feet--its wounds all open, and calling for help; but instead of coming to its relief, they hunt up a law nearly as old as the federal government itself, and harangue the jury about its 'sacredness' and majesty, when no one questioned either its majesty or sacredness. The whole thing, upon the face of it, bears the marks of being a most cowardly manoeuvre. Had Reed been tried under the law of 1850, the whole question of the constitutionality of that law would have been open. The counsel for the defence would have laid bare its gross unconstitutionality. They were ready and ripe for that question. General Nye, Messrs. Sedgwick, Hills, and Gerrit Smith, would have shaken the horrid structure to the ground. But not a word would his Honor, Judge Hall, hear on the subject. Mr. Smith, the body and soul of whose speech was to have been marshalled against the Fugitive Slave Law, to show its gross inhumanity, and its entire unconstitutionality, was completely cut off by the Court. To the marked astonishment of not a few bystanders, Judge Hall declared that the constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Law had already been decided. To prove this, he cited several cases, where it had been decided, in which cases, in reality, that question was not before the Court. He would not hear a word of argument on that point. This, of course, compelled Mr. Smith to desist, and, to some extent, it crippled the defence. It gave the government marked advantage in summing up on their side. The advantage was not rejected by the government; it was used most skillfully. 
This is the first conviction under the Fugitive Slave Law. The sacred majesty of Law is now vindicated, and the visionary, wild and reckless schemes of fanatical men are dashed to pieces. 

Thus rants the Syracuse Star, a Fillmore organ of the baser sort, over the conviction of Enoch Reed, one of the alleged rescuers of Jerry. As false in fact as they are hypocritical in cant, the reckless assertions of that print can not deceive even the most credulous. So far from having been convicted under the Fugitive Slave Law, Enoch was adjudged guilty of having violated the law of 1790, and, it is not ungenerous to suppose, would have been acquitted at all events, had a different style of defence been adopted in his case. The 'Rescue' trials, at Boston, in Pennsylvania, and in this State, so far from having attested the efficacy of the Fugitive Law, have proved the utter worthlessness of that bill of abominations. In view of these results, freemen may take fresh courage. The law of 1850 has passed from being an object of loathing, to be fit only for contempt. It may safely be jeered at, spit upon, and kicked out of doors. It is an exploded humbug,--a sheared woolly horse--a codfish mermaid; and the Union-saving showmen who have traveled with it, may be unceremoniously tumbled into the nearest creek, with perfect impunity. 

'The sacred majesty of Law' was 'vindicated,' and gloriously too, at Syracuse, on the first day of October, 1851,--a day to be commemorated with bonfires, and cannon, and festivity, with the 17th of June and the 4th of July. 'The visionary, wild, and reckless schemes of 'demagogues, who had thought to dethrone the Higher Law, were then, in good earnest, 'dashed to pieces.' No wonder, then, that the heathen rage.'--Madison County Journal.

In the proceedings of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, on Thursday of last week, we find the following reported. It is a timely revival of a very interesting historical occurrence. 

Order submitted.--By Mr. PRINCE of Essex--That the special committee appointed to consider the expediency of indemnifying the Ursuline community, inquire if it be not equally just and expedient to indemnify William Lloyd Garrison, editor and proprietor of THE LIBERATOR, for the loss of property sustained by him, as well as serious inconvenience, and even jeopardy of his life, occasioned by a lawless mob, said to have been composed of 'well-dressed gentlemen of property and standing,' which occurred in the city of Boston in the year 1835--the next year after the destruction of the Ursuline Convent. 

In explanation of his order, Mr. PRINCE said he had dropped this matter into the House as a sort of plummet, to sound the depth of the sympathy professedly evinced here towards those who have suffered the loss of property at the hands of a mob. He introduced it also in justice to his constituents, who are a very industrious, hard-working people, and do not wish to be taxed unnecessarily. He said that in the little ship-building town which he had the honor to represent, there was probably as much annually wrought out by hard-handed toil as in any other part of the State, in proportion to the number of inhabitants. Now, if a bill shall ultimately be passed by the present Legislature to indemnify the Catholics for the loss of their Convent, we may (judging from the present condition of the State Treasury, as made known to us from a high official source,) be obliged to resort to a direct State tax. And if his constituents were to be taxed to help indemnify Roman Catholics, they would be equally willing to pay a tax to indemnify Abolitionists against whom as great a prejudice has existed as against the Catholics,--though they might not wish to be taxed to indemnify either class. They desire no class legislation--no special acts for Catholics or Protestants, but impartial justice towards all. If this order was likely to occasion much discussion, and so consume the valuable time of the House, he should probably withdraw it. But he hoped it would be allowed quietly to pass, as it was only an order of inquiry. 

Mr. WIGGIN, of Boston, said he would save the gen-

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tleman from Essex any apprehension about the effect of his order in consuming time or attention, by a very simple motion which he would make,--and that was, to lay it on the table. 

The House sustained the motion, and the order was laid on the table. 

FRIEND GARRISON: On Wednesday evening, 9th inst., our indomitable and indefatigable friend PARKER PILLSBURY delivered a lecture before the Lyceum in Essex, on the subject of the French Revolution of 1789. It was a lecture worth walking many miles to hear. It was elaborately written, embodying much historical information not readily accessible to the average portion of the community and was in its style and diction vigorous, compact, fish, inspiring--free from the cob-web mustiness of stale conformity and cant. Besides these excellencies, it had another and higher merit, and that was its philosophic justice. It presented the Revolution of 1789 in a different aspect from that in which one-sided, ecclesiastically and politically bigoted and partially informed writers and speakers have been accustomed to represent it. He showed conclusively, by appeal to impartial and unimpeachable authorities, that the enormities and sacrilegious doctrines frequently associated with that great struggle for freedom have been greatly exaggerated, and that they were never sanctioned nor accepted by the Revolutionists generally, who honestly strove for liberty, and were not responsible for the extravagances of a few, whom for a time they partially trusted as leaders. 

But I did not design writing a report, but only a notice of the lecture of Mr. Pillsbury. It was listened to by a large audience, who gave, for nearly an hour and a half, the most candid and undivided attention; and I doubt not that many of them, at the close, found that the huge, chadowy Ogre of the awful, impious 'French Revolution,' which had haunted their imaginations from youth, was dissolved into thin air. At times, the speaker was thrillingly eloquent. Not long ago, he delivered the same lecture before a Lyceum in Beverly, to an audience of more than seven hundred, upon whose minds it left a decided 'impression.' J. PRINCE. 
We would strongly solicit our friend, Mr. PILLSBURY, to deliver his lecture in Boston, not doubting that it will draw a large and highly interested audience. We find in the Essex County Freeman the following tribute:--

MR. EDITOR,--I had the pleasure, last Monday evening, of listening to a lecture before one of the Beverly Lyceums, on the French Revolution of 1793, by Parker Pillsbury, Esq., of New Hampshire. The spacious Hall was crowded in every part, by one of the most intelligent and respectable audiences ever convened in that ancient town. And notwithstanding the lecture occupied more than an hour and a half in the delivery, it was listened to with almost breathless attention, to the very last word. The view of the subject was to many, doubtless, if not to most present, entirely new; and the style and language were of that bold and forcible character for which the author is so distinguished. It was, on the whole, one of those Lyceum addresses, which, while it pleases, is also highly instructive; and whoever is fortunate enough to secure it as one of a winter's course, will not regret it himself, nor fail to receive the gratitude of all who hear it. My object in writing this note is to call the attention of my fellow-citizens of Danvers to this lecture, in the hope that as we have no regular Lyceum lectures at present, some of them may make exertions at least to procure the delivery of this, if the talented author can be induced to comply with such a proposal. And as we have no paper in this place through which to communicate, I wish, with your leave, to bring the subject before them, through yours, which has so wide a circulation in this place. 


Danvers, South Parish, Jan. 27, 1853. 

NEW MARKET, (N.H.) Feb. 15, 1853. 


Stephen S. Foster and myself are again in our old field of operations, the State of New Hampshire. It is in more senses than one the GRANITE State. Sometimes it seems as though the whole region should have been left to the wolves and other wild beasts. The people partake very much of the nature of their soil, scenery and climate. There is a sternness and ruggedness about them, which makes them almost impervious to the words and appeals of truth, unless accompanied by threats of hell-fire, or promises of treasures on earth and in heaven. Indeed, the former is altogether most effectual; for while the religious denominations holding and preaching this doctrine increase in many places, and almost every where hold their own, the more liberal sects are scarcely able to obtain foothold at all. Universalism makes out to live in a few places; but Unitarianism may as well quit the field, and done with it. 

We are indebted to the Universalists oftener than to any other sect, for places in which to hold our anti-slavery meetings. Two Sundays out of the three we have spent in this State, we had their meeting-houses. In both instances, we had them without charge, and in one, without even any expense for warming or lighting. The Free Will Baptists, at North Weare, were equally generous for two evening lectures. I love to record such deeds of generosity and magnanimity. 

We should have had great meetings in this place, but for the sudden and severe snow-storm. Thursday and Friday evenings we had large gatherings, especially Friday, when the house was crowded; but on Sunday, the storm was very severe, and our meetings suffered in proportion. 

We are now in the Congressional District of Messrs. Tuck and Hale, and the election is within three weeks; but yet there is no more activity among the Free Soil party, than among as many stumps in one of our clearings. They do not generally seem inclined to help us, or to help themselves. They will, doubtless, be defeated; and in such a result they will reap but what they are sowing. And the candidate of the Democratic party who will defeat them, we are told, is so objectionable, that many of his own men are ashamed of him, and vow they won't give him their votes. Some of them speak with a much stronger oath. 

Although we are far enough from being Free Soilers ourselves, still, our labors would inevitably bring much grist to their mill, if they would but cooperate with us, so far as to get the people out to our meetings. But they not only will not do that, but many of them, especially their ministers, caution the people to beware of us. So did a sorry little Congregational popinjay, (a medical doctor, mildewed into a minister,) in his pulpit; last Sunday. Such men are a millstone on the neck of whatever enterprise they dishonor by their touch. They are doing more to swamp the Free Soil movement,--which certainly might be worth something, holding so many good abolitionists,--than all other influences put together. 

Yours for their conversion or confusion, 



I went from Taunton to North Attleboro', on Saturday last, where I had an appointment to speak on Saturday and Sunday. Attleboro' is famous throughout Yankee land for its jewelry. In one large shop, I was told a hundred and fifty hands are constantly employed. Finger rings, ear rings, breast pins, watch chains, seals, &c. &c., by the wagon loads, are manufactured in this town every year. This is the great business of the place. Fortunes have been made, and are now making, by the manufacture. Some jewelry of the 'simon pure' order is made. But most of it is counterfeit, i. e., only an imitation of pure gold and silver. In this respect, methinks, Attleboro' jewelry quite fairly describes American Republicanism and American Piety. The Republicanism and Piety of this nation is not wholly a sham, as we can demonstrate by pointing to such men as Gerrit Smith and Joshua R. Giddings, Henry Ward Beecher and Theodore Parker. But it is 

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mostly counterfeit, as seen clearly in the action of National and State Legislatures, the higher and lower courts, the leading religious bodies, and in the fact that millions of the American people are held in abject and degrading bondage, while the great majority of the people freely pledge themselves to eternize this infernal system, as the foundation of our governmental and religious order. 

In asking an intelligent friend his estimate of the sum for which this jewelry is annually sold, he said he presumed more than half a million of dollars were paid to the manufacturers each year for their shining but useless wares. The purchase of this jewelry is, to be sure, not the worst outlay of one's money. For instance, a man had better lay out fifty dollars for such articles, than to give it to Lemmon, when he loses his hold of eight human beings, to whom he had no more valid claim than he has to Jesus Christ. But still, a better disposition of money can be made than in the purchase of gaudy and useless splendors. How much better to bestow a few dollars upon the cause of suffering humanity! You remember, doubtless, the reply of John Wesley to the Assessor who asked him how much plate he had in his house. 'Two silver spoons, and I shall own no more, so long as the toiling poor are suffering for the comforts of life.' Such a feeling of love I for needy man, leading to such a consecration to the work of divine redemption as this reply indicated, is a jewel of priceless value; yea, it is the 'pearl of great price,' which few indeed are so happy as to own. 

Attleboro' is not doing as much in the work now going on for the redemption of the world as it is in the jewelry business; yet it is before many towns in this old Commonwealth in good deeds. There are a few true disciples there. I was welcomed to the home and hospitality of one of this class, on my arrival Saturday evening. I was cheered by the sterling devotion to the cause of the slave manifested by this family, and by still another 'household of the faith' where I stopped on Sunday night. On Sunday, during the day, I spoke in the Methodist Hall, at the Falls, at present unoccupied, there being no minister now stationed there. I had full and interesting meetings, and took up a contribution in the afternoon of over three dollars. There is a good deal of reliable anti-slavery feeling in that place, and the field is worth cultivation by the Massachusetts Society. 

In the evening, our meeting was in the spacious and convenient hall owned by Mr. Richards. It was opened without charge. The evening was dark and stormy, and the water was overshoes in many places in the road, so that no ladies could attend. The meeting was consequently small. The collection amounted to $1.83. If the evening had been pleasant, we should have had a full meeting and a large contribution. Wm. Lloyd Garrison had recently spent a Sunday in North Attleboro', lecturing Saturday and Sunday. That visit did much to dissipate the insane prejudice which is so generally cherished against one who only needs to be known to be respected, trusted and loved by every candid and earnest seeker after truth and righteousness. Wherever I go, there is an earnest desire expressed to hear Mr. Garrison, and I am sure that no more efficient anti-slavery labor can be performed than to have the Word of the Gospel spoken as widely as possible by the Editor of THE LIBERATOR, to those who 'sit in darkness and the shadow of death.' I am also requested to ask the Massachusetts Society to send Miss Holley or Miss Stone to North Attleboro', as soon as possible, giving due notice thereof beforehand, to remain a number of days, and get up an efficient sewing circle. Friends think they can accomplish something important for the Society, if this plan can be carried out. 

Monday, it stormed so severely that I sent a letter to Sharon withdrawing my appointment there, and came on to my 'happy Eden,' where I am now resting for a brief space, ere I resume my arduous but beloved toil for the oppressed. 

Yours fraternally, SAXON. 

CAMBRIDGE, Feb. 8th, 1853.

BRATTLEBORO', (Vt.) Feb. 9, 1853. 

DEAR SIR: 'It is not often that a single speech reverses the public sentiment of a whole town.' This was the expression used by a lady of this place yesterday, in describing to me the effect produced by the recent address of our friend LUCY STONE, on Woman's Rights.	

During a stay of a few days in this place, I have derived no small pleasure from the universal testimony to the same effect. Among a large circle of relatives and acquaintances, I have not found a single exception to the general delight and admiration. Yet, among these are persons whom I know to have felt the strongest prejudices against this whole 'Woman's Rights' movement, and even against the public oratory of women; and who went to hear Miss Stone only by my urgent solicitation. 

I believe Miss STONE was invited to come here, in consequence of a lecture by Rev. A. L. Stone of Boston, in which the whole movement she represents was severely attacked. And so general was the spirit of ridicule created by that lecture, that serious fears were entertained lest it would be actually unsafe for a woman to lecture in Brattleboro'--a place in many respects very conservative. But her lecture (which was fully attended) so charmed all who heard it, that there was not only the most respectful attention throughout, but the result appears to have been a change in public sympathy such as I have described. 

I mention this thus publicly, not merely as an act of justice to one of the most delightful public speakers whom I have ever heard, and a simple, noble, and most womanly woman, but for another purpose. I do not wish Miss Stone to wear herself out in the cause, but I do wish that its friends should endeavor to secure her services in all the large towns of Massachusetts, previous to the Constitutional Convention in May. The subject will most probably be brought before the Convention, and it is desirable, for the sake of reason and good taste, if not for humanity, that there should be men in that body, who, if they must still oppose the just claims of woman, can at least oppose them by some other weapon than insult and buffoonery. This, at least, may be hoped. But I am bound to add, that the entire argument for the equal political rights of the whole human race appears so simple and palpable, that it is a mystery to me how any man with a clear head (to say nothing of a heart) can for a moment resist it. 

Yours, respectfully, 

In the Windham County Democrat, published at Brattleboro', and ably edited by Mrs. C. I. H. Nichols, we find the following notice of Miss STONE'S lectures, confirmatory of Mr. HIGGINSON'S fine panegyric:--

MISS LUCY STONE'S LECTURE. We have not words to express the breadth and depth of our satisfaction at the universal expression of admiration and gratification which has followed Miss Stone's presentation of woman's legal and civil rights, in their bearing upon and connection with her social and industrial position. Not that we invited her here with any expectation of a different result, for we knew the merits of the subject, and its power in her soul-drawn eloquence and logic; and we sincerely believed that Brattleboro' intelligence and Brattleboro' heart would respond as it has responded. It is asserted, and without a dissenting voice, we believe, that her lectures have not been surpassed, in interest or merit, by any of the regular course thus far. Some of our best men do say that her lectures are worth all the rest; and to know what high praise this is, our readers are assured that the same persons were delighted listeners to a Pierpont, a Beecher, and a Magoon. 

We are happily indebted to a gentleman, whose character for intelligence and integrity makes him acceptable authority in such matters, for the following notice--as just as it is delicate--of the manner and subject matter of Miss Stone's lectures. 

[The notice of the lectures here alluded to we shall copy into the next number of THE LIBERATOR.] 

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Dreadful Exp[[fold in paper - text cutoff]]
The steamer J. Wilson, while landing at[[fold in paper - text cutoff]], Ark., on the 5th Feb., burst two of her boil[[fold in paper - text cutoff]], it is supposed, about forty persons, including[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] engineers. One of the boilers was blown as[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] stance of more than fifty yards. In its passage[[fold in paper - text cutoff]]  the upper story of the Phoenix Coffee House,w[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] irely demolished. The wreck drifted down ri[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] 12 miles, and sunk in six fathoms of water[[fold in paper - text cutoff]]s a new boat, cost about $18,000, and was ins[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] $9,000. As usual, none of the officers were to [[fold in paper - text cutoff]]ough it is said the Captain had been drunk [[fold in paper - text cutoff]]ning previous to the occurrence. A Mr. W[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] Chicot county, was among the killed.--Lit[[fold in paper - text cutoff]]Gazette.
[[fold in paper - text cutoff]](Ark.)

Confession of a Double Murder [[fold in paper - text cutoff]] Casey, who is in jail on a charge of murder [[fold in paper - text cutoff]] Taylor and his wife, at Natick, in September [[fold in paper - text cutoff]] as made a full confession of his guilt. He says he [[fold in paper - text cutoff]]ed with Taylor about half a dollar, and killed him[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] that Mrs. Taylor being awakened by the struggle, [[fold in paper - text cutoff]]to the door, when he also killed her with an axe. C[[fold in paper - text cutoff]] is 20 years of age.

The Jerry Rescue Trials. We learn from Albany, that the jury, in the case of Cobb, one of the Jerry rescuers, were unable to agree, and have been discharged. 

Burlington, Vt., Feb. 15. Official returns of the vote upon the Vermont liquor law, in the several, counties heard from, are as follows :--For the Law, 15,624; Against it, 13,648; Majority for the Law, 1,986. 
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Notices of Meetings, &c.
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DANIEL FOSTER, an Agent of the Mass. Anti-Slavery Society, will lecture as follows:--
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Norton | {Friday | Feb. 18. 
 | {to Sunday, | " 20. 
South Acton | Monday, | " 21. 
West Acton | Tuesday, | " 22. 
Sheldonville, | Saturday eve,' | " 26. 
West Wrentham | Sunday, " | " 27.
Mansfield, | Monday " | " 28. 
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REV. ANDREW T. FOSS, Agent of Worcester County South Division Anti-Slavery Society, will speak at SOUTHBORO', on Sunday next, Feb. 20. And at MILLBURY, on Sunday, Feb. 27. During the intervening week, he will lecture in GRAFTON, and other places in that vicinity.
STEPHEN S. FOSTER and PARKER PILLSBURY, on behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, will hold meetings in DOVER, N. H., on Sunday next, Feb. 20. Also, in LEE, N. H., and vicinity, on the 22d; and at PORTSMOUTH, on Wednesday, 23d, and following days. 
SALLIE HOLLEY, an Agent of the Mass. A. S. Society, will lecture as follows:--
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Blackstone, | Sunday, | February 20. 
Milford, | Thursday, | " 24. 
Upton, | Sunday, | "27.
Webster, | Wednesday, | March 2.
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The third Lecture before the Worcester City 
Anti-Slavery Society will be delivered by FREDERICK DOUGLASS, THIS (Friday) Evening, Feb. 18, at 7 1-2 o'clock, P. M. 

T. W. HIGGINSON, President. 

O. K. EARLE, Sec'y. 
Ninth Term will commence on WEDNESDAY, March 2, 1853, and continue four months. Professors--Wm. M. Cornell, M. D., Physiology, Hygiene and Medical Jurisprudence; Enoch C. Rolfe, M. D.,  Surgery and Materia Medica; Elwood Harvey, M. D., Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children; Abraham Livezey, M. D., Principles and Practice of Medicine; Seth Pancoast, M. D., Anatomy; Samuel Gregory, A. M., Chemistry; Almira, L. Fowler, M. D. Demonstrator of Anatomy. 

Fees--To each Professor, $10; to the Demonstrator, $5. LEMUEL SHATTUCK, President. 

SAMUEL GREGORY, Secretary, 15 Cornhill, Boston. 
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FRIEND MARIUS: In the obituary notice of RUTH 
GALBRAITH, there is a typographical error, which, in justice to her memory, should be corrected. It reads, 'She was fond of reading novels and biographies.' It should read, She was fond of reading travels and biographies.' She was not particularly fond of novels, 
though she read select ones at times. She had no taste for any amusement which was not connected with utility. She ever insisted that our amusements should consist in doing that which is useful. She deemed the culture of flowers a useful amusement; and was often seen among her flowers when she was hourly expecting to be called to another state. Her passion for sweet and beautiful flowers remained while life lasted. Scarce any maxim was more prominently taught in her conversation and life, than that of combining amusement with physical, intellectual and social health and improvement.--Ohio Anti-Slavery Bugle. 

The same error was made in THE LIBERATOR, in publishing the biographical notice of this excellent woman from the BUGLE. 
MARRIED--In Stoneham, Dec. 26, by Rev. Wm. C. Whitcomb, WILLIAM MESSER to SUSAN A. ROWE, both of S.
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A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, 

Presenting the Original Facts and Documents on which the Story is founded; together with Corroborative Statements, verifying the truth of the work. 

WE shall publish, during the month of February, the above valuable work, which is destined to have a run second only to that of Uncle Tom itself. We have orders already on hand for nearly 20,000 copies, in advance of publication; and but a small proportion of the trade have yet ordered. The KEY will contain as much matter as Uncle Tom's Cabin, but we shall make the original issue in the same form as the cheap edition of Uncle Tom, viz., in one royal 8vo pamphlet, double columns. The retail and wholesale prices will be the same as the cheap edition of Uncle Tom. 

Orders from the trade are most respectfully solicited at an early day, to govern us in the size of the first edition to be printed, in order, if possible, to avoid the trouble and perplexity of not having half books enough to answer first orders. 	

We take pleasure in announcing that the German translation of this great work is now printing, and will be ready for delivery before the 15th of February, complete in one royal 8vo volume, double columns, printed from new and beautiful type, on thick and fine paper. To retail at 50 cents. Same discount as upon the other editions. Early orders solicited. 
ALSO, IN PRESS, and nearly ready, the Second Edition, making 5000 copies of the SUPERB ILLUSTRATED EDITION OF UNCLE TOM'S CABIN, with 153 Engravings.


White Slavery in the Barbary States 

With 40 splendid Illustrations by BILLINGS, engraved by BAKER & SMITH. 

This will make one beautiful 16mo volume of about 140 pages, bound in cloth, thin boards, printed in the most elegant style, on the best paper. Price at retail, 50 or 62 1/2 cents. Ready about the 20th of February.

The Speeches of Hon. J. B. Giddings, 

WITH A PORTRAIT. In one volume 12mo, of about 500 pages, cloth. Price, $1. A valuable volume of strong and truthful utterances from the Ohio veteran, who is still in the harness.


The Writings of Hon. William Jay, 

On the Slavery Question and on War. 

This volume will be a most invaluable contribution to the standard literature of our country. No man stands higher in the estimation of the truly great and good, than the venerable Judge Jay. And no one has contributed a greater number of articles of sterling value to the cause of freedom and peace than he. To be published in one 12mo volume of about 500 pages, with a fine Portrait of the Author. Price, $1. 


17 and 19 Cornhill, Boston.

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