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[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] TERMS--Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, in advance.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] Five copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment be made in advance.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] Advertisements making less than one square inserted three times for 75 cents--one square for $1 00.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Ohio Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for the Liberator.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, but are not responsible for any of the debts of the paper, viz.:-FRANCIS JACKSON, ELLIS GRAY LORING, EDMUND QUINCY, SAMUEL PHILBRICK,and WENDELL PHILLIPS.
[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] In the columns of THE LIBERATOR,both sides of every question are impartially allowed a hearing.

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[[image: three separate illustrations: auction scene with sign-SLAVES,HORSES,& OTHER CATTLE IN LOTS TO SUIT; circle including black man on left with shackled hands looking up to man with beard (Jesus?)standing next to cross with word HARTWELL at feet and Caucausian on  right with raised hand and words COME TO BREAK THE BONDS OF THE OPPRESSOR around upper half of the circle; scene of multiple people of multiple generations coming out of building with picture of capital in the background with flag with word FREEDOM flying on top of dome and arch with word EMANCIPATION]]

THE LIBERATOR. [[image of banner with words THOU SALT LOVE THY NEIGHBOR AS THY SELF entwined through wordS THE LIBERATOR]]

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No Union with Slaveholders!
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[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] 'Yes!  IT CANNOT BE DENIED--the slaveholding lords of the South prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three special provisions TO SECURE THE PERPETUITY OF THEIR DOMINION OVER THEIR SLAVES.  The first was the immunity, for twenty years, of preserving the African slave trade; the second was  THE STIPULATION TO SURRENDER FUGITIVE SLAVES--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and, thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for SLAVES--for articles of merchandize, under the name of fact, the oppressor representing the oppressed!...To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind.  It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and slavery.  Its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American Congress;  AND THEREBY TO MAKE THE PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION AND PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATION GOVERNMENT."--John Quincy Adams.

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[[right margin]]WM. LLOYD GARRISON, EDITOR.
[[center]]Our Country is the World, our Countryment are all Mankind.
[[left margin]]J.B. YERRINTON & SON, PRINTERS
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[[right margin]]VOL. XXIV. NO. 23.
[[center]]BOSTON, FRIDAY, JUNE 9, 1854.
[[left margin]]WHOLE NUMBER 1038.
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[[bold]] THE VALUE OF CHRISTIANITY.[[/bold]]
From the Lowell courier.
The Abolitionists of the Garrison sect have held their anniversary meeting in the Church of Rev. E. H. Chapin, New York.  The American Union, Church and People, were of course visited with a torrent of acrimony and abuse.  Wm. Lloyd Garrison was present in person, and filled the highest seat in the synagogue.  We deplore the existence of fanaticism in any form; but, so long as it does exist, we cannot object to those meetings.  We are disposed, rather, to regard them as safety-valves by which all the surplus steam of such one-idead madmen and mad-women--for the organization comprises sundry persons of the gentler sex--may escape without danger to the public weal.  But in view of the assaults made by these fanatics upon the established institutions of their country, we cannot but call to mind how different was the conduct of that great moralist, whose disciples, par excellence, they claim to be.  What we said on this point, a few months since, will apply as well now.  At the advent of Christ in Judea, all the world swarmed with institutions of the worst possible description.  But neither Christ nor his apostles, so far as we learn, uttered a solitary syllable with specific reference to any of them.  Polygamy, despotism and slavery, had an extensive prevalence in very many of the numerous provinces into which the Roman world was at that time divided;  but not a word--no, no a word--hostile to these institutions, can anywhere be detected among all the apostolic monuments that have come down to us.  It is, doubtless, quite true, that the development of man aggregately, and the development of man individually, are so connected, that whatever rserves one end answers also for the other; and it is true, that Christianity has been, and was designed to be, beyond comparison, greater in its influence on the institutions of society, than any kindred agency ever before seen; yet Christianity was altogether unadapted to the work of directly regenerating the external institutions of society, and the political establishments then extant.
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[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] Referring to what was said and done at the late anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, the New York Express says--
We doubt if such indiscriminate ravings as these can do any body any harm.  These persons, under the very Constitution they would violate, and in the Government which they would destroy, if they could, are permitted to utter these treasonable sentiments, and if they did not utter them they would have to be sent to the Lunatic Asylum. 'Speak, or die,'  is their motto,  and like an engine without water, if they didn't speak, they would burst.
But the sentiments, nevertheless, are unchristian and atrocious; and if the antidote did not go along with the bane, and these people did not answer themselves out of their own mouths, we should feel that some severer condemnation was necessary.
Those who have read the proceedings of the Abolitionists of the Fred. Douglass school, which, strange to say, have usually been more moderate than those of the Phillips and Parker order, will see this year that their speeches and resolutions are sponged and dipped as with gall and wormwood against the South, and Slavery, the Ministry, etc.
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[[image: hand with index finger pointing towards text]] We copy the following from Bennett's  Herald:
New York, May 11, 1854.
DEAR SIR--As one of the pewholders of Mr. Chapin's church, I beg leave, through your columns, to protest the action of the trustees, in leasing the same to such an outrageous rabble as desecrated it yesterday, and I also beg leave to assure you that all the pewholders are not fanatics, neither do they approve of the recent action of the trustees.
It is not my purpose to disclose the affairs of the church, but it is due to many of the congregation to say, that a portion were not aware of the said leasing, while others, who were informed of the same at the annual meeting, held the 19th ult., earnestly disapproved of the course of the trustees.
As pewholders have rights as well as self-important church officers, I would suggest to such of the Congregation as respect Christianity, and have a proper regard for religious edifices, the propriety of placing locks on their pews during anniversary week.
Yours, respectfully     ****
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From the Journal of Commerce.
MESSRS. EDITORS:--For all you have written to the effect that the clergy ought to move in the sphere voluntarily chosen by them, and keep their hands washed of Nebraska and all other politics,I thank you: for, how wide soever the difference may be, I am unable to discover any practical difference between a Protestant Pope and a Catholic one, in so far as church influence on the State is considered.  The one, it is true, has a tangible name and a visible, local habitation; the other exists as truly, and has a multifarious name.  Sometimes it is seen in associations and consociations; sometimes in World's Evangelical Conventions, with their walls heaven-high; sometimes it is called 3,000 clergymen of New England; sometimes one thing, sometimes another.  It may be known by various symptoms.  Now, by altering, or an itching to alter a Constitution, adding the eligibility of clergymen to seats in the Legislature; always by manifesting less interest in the true spirit of Christianity, than in the political arena of strife and heated discussion; evidencing how vastly they love State more than Church.  G.
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For daring to record his solemn protest against the perfidious repeal of the Missouri Compromise, Rev. Dr. Wayland is denounced as in his dotage by the Biblical Recorder, (a Baptist paper published in North Carolina,) and cooly told--
'Wayland need not be surprised to hear that his books are burnt, instead of being bought in the South.  We have already heard gentlemen of high respectability and intelligence say, that since they read his Nebraska speech, their feelings against his books were such that they were strongly inclined to take them from their libraries, and commit them to the flames; and if the Doctor is not himself burnt in effigy, it will be owing to the respect which our people have for religion, and for those who are its professed advocates.'(!!!)
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Dr. Wayland says---'Slavery is a sin against God, and an outrage on humanity.'  Against this naked assertion, we place the positive command of God to his chosen people, authorizing the institution of slavery, making slaves property, and entailing slavery from generation to generation.  See Leviticus, 25th chapter.-- Natchez Mirror.
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A little fire is quickly trodden out,
Which, being suffered, rivers cannot quench.

We are glad to know that the tocsin we have sounded in regard to the formation of irresponsible, illegal and dangerous secret armed societies in this city, has arrested the attention of those whose duty it is to  take cognizance of such matter, and that immediate and effective measures will be taken to prevent the further spreading of this dangerous malady, and to disperse such as already exist.  We have not space to-day to say as much upon this subject as we would like.  We are prepared to expose the self styled 'Guard of Liberty' in all its naked deformity, and hold the aspiring demagogues and outlaws who lead it, to the penalty and scorn that must be meted out to them by all good citizens. We assure our friends that we do not intent to drop this matter until our purpose is accomplished.  We promise the 'Guard of Liberty,' and all other unprincipled adventurers who are striving to establish an armed banditti to oppose our citizen soldiery, that we shall wage a ceaseless and uncompromising warfare against them and their riotous purposes.  During the week, we have received not only the verbal assurance of scores of our best citizens, military and civil, that we should have their hearty co-operation and support in this contest, but many of the highest and most experienced officers in the militia have written to us the most flattering testimonials.  One officer, high in rank, concludes a note by saying:--'Your paper never stood so high as it has since you have taken the noble stand in opposition to that dangerous armed mob, miscalled "  Guard of Liberty."' Another says, 'This armed mob is the more dangerous, and to be feared most, because "it steals the livery of the court of heaven to serve the devil in! "'&c.  Whilst we were writing the above, an officer whose veracity is unquestionable called at our office, and informed us that a company [mob.] antagonistic to the 'Guard of Liberty' in its professions and objects, but precisely similar in its formation, were secretly drilling in a hall at the South End last evening!  Let the evil spread no further.--Boston Sunday Despatch. 
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The scenes which have occurred in this city--the struggle between law and anarchy-- the terrible deed of blood--have come upon this community like thunder from a cloudless sky.
In 1851, when the hall of justice was invaded by a mob, and the fugitive Shadrach was wrested from the hands of the officers, abolitionists were in a state of carnival.  But another case occurred, when the [[crease in the page makes the next few words unreadable]] and in obedience to a constitutional obligation [[crease...unreadable]] person who claimed his service.  From that day to this, the delivery of Sims has been the theme of the most violent harangue that fanaticism could invent; and it has been accompanied with the resolve that a fugitive slave should never again be suffered to go from Boston.
On Wednesday, the arrest of Burns took place, when some of those who had constantly written and spoken this tratorious sentiment, who scorn the obligations of the constitution, and who had openly avowed the purpose of arresting the law, applied to the city authorities for the use of Faneuil Hall.  These authorities well knew the character of the applicants, their seditious opinion, and knew the purpose for which they proposed to hold a meeting.  They knew that these fanatics were determined to resist the law.  Yet this hall, which once by free soil politicians had been shut on Daniel Webster, was promptly thrown open on such a request!
Marshal Freeman, whose office it is to keep 
Burns in custody, took ample precaution to guard the court from outrage.  He employed special police; and while allowing Burns every facility for consultation with his friends, he determined to discharge his duty to the law.  The city government, however, prohibited its police from aiding the marshal, and the word went through the city that this officer would be left alone to preserve order.  Some of the morning journals contained the inflammatory notice for the meeting, and one, the Commonwealth, was filled with language which we want terms to characterize in its true aspect.  Its appeals were hellish.  Placards, too, were to be seen at the corners of the streets.  Yet not only was no movement for preserving the public peace made by the city authorities, but the lamentable moral effect of these declarations was to give assurance to those disposed to unite in a mob.
With such reports of the disposition of the city police, is it strange that Faneuil Hall was filled--crammed, we should say?  At first, the meeting was orderly--but speaker after speaker succeeded each other in giving utterance to fanatical, bad,bold, inflammatory appeals, and the meeting warmed with the intense excitement.  There was no covering up of purpose.  The fugitive slave law was pronounced no law.  Resistance to it was openly urged; a forcible rescue of Burns was openly urged; a redemption of the abolition pledge was openly required and as the reasons were given for this, each violent sentence with received with vehement applause.  The action of the city was commented upon in those harangues; and when successive speakers announced that the city government was with them,when they declared that the city police had been charged by the mayor not to lift a finger in defence of the U.S. marshal, the shouting were wild, tremendous, and long continued.  The speaker said that they had had hurrahs--this wasRev. Theodore Parker's language--for liberty long enough, what they wanted now was action .  Were there no police present?  Was it not manifest there was violence at hand?  Was word sent to the mayor?
But the speakers went on with their incantations.  Sober citizens would hardly credit a true representation of the lamentable scene as the inflammable material was poured into the cauldron, and it seethed at every fresh addition.  The excited mass obeyed the natural law of mobs, and gradually ripened for its work of destruction, blood and murder.  The bad men who conducted the meeting counselled delay until to-morrow. 'To-night, to-night,' resounded through the hall; and it was plain that those who had raised the spirit, turned pale and trembled at its power.  It was beyond their control.  Imbecility, or fanaticism, or rascality, may apply the torch, but other agencies must be evoked to stay the conflagration.  One exclaimed that an attack on the court-house had commenced, when a stampede took place, and the mass, fully prepared for a desperate work, rushed to Court-square.  They found no mob, but they made one. 
The attack on 'the Bastile of Boston'--the words of the abolition journal--then commenced.  Axes, heavy joists, knives, pistols, guns, were used--for the mob were armed.  Marshall Freeman proved himself equal of the occasion, and with his assistants, using clubs, succeeded in beating back those who had burst into the court house.  Fire arms were used freely by the rioters.  The marshal had a narrow escape.  One of his assistants was stabbed and killed.  At this time the city police began to act.  Arrests were made.  The militia, always
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prompt to obey the call of the law, assembled; a company from the navy yard was early on the ground, and since that time, the constant presence of the military has preserved the peace of the city.  One citizen, James Batchelder, has fallen.  He died at the post of duty, in defence of the supremacy of law, in protecting the city from violence, in support of the constitution of his country.  Let our country show that it appreciates such service.
The fearful struggle is not yet over.  It will be resumed this day.  The city is under deep and just excitement against those who have disturbed its peace, who have promoted anarchy and bloodshed, who have disgraced its good name; but all good citizens should resolve to maintain the SUPREMACY OF LAW.  All patriots, lovers of the constitution, should set their faces against anarchy, and against those, whoever they may be, who give the slightest countenance to the enemies of the public peace.  Their acts are flat rebellion, and deserve punishment as such.  Let all who value our institutions indignantly frown upon the detestable work.-- Boston Post.
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Our city yesterday was in a state of excitement almost unparalleled.  The abolitionists and their confederates did all they could to subserve the cause of mob law!  Their treasonable meeting at Faneuil Hall was not enough.  It was not enough that Parker, and Phillips, and their associates excited the passions of their deluded dupes up to the pitch of destruction and murder, nor that seditious handbills startled the passers-by at the corners of the streets.  Bodies of men from distant towns came into the city to aid their detestable work, and the consequence was, that all day our city was the scene of great confusion.
What these bold, bad men are doing is nothing more or less than committing treason.  The following extract from Daniel Webster's speech at Albany, 1851, delineates their crime.  He said--
'The act of taking away Shadrach from the public authorities in Boston, and sending him off, was an act of clear treason.  I speak this in the hearing of men who are lawyers:  I speak it out to the country; I say it everywhere, on my professional reputation.  It was treason, and nothing less; that is to say, if men get together, and combine together, and resolve that they will oppose a law of the government, not in any one case, but in all cases; I say, if they resolve to resist the law, whoever may be attempted to be made the subject of it, and carry that purpose into effect, by resisting the application of the law in any one case, either by force of arms or force of numbers, that, sir, is treason.  (Turning to Mr. Spencer, and stamping with emphasis.)  You know it well. [Continuing to address Mr. Spencer.}  The [[crease in the page makes this line unreadable]]
claimed--and it is proclaimed that it will be [[crease in the page makes the next words unreadable]]in all cases-and it carried into effect by force of arms or numbers, in any one case, that constitutes a case of levying war against the Union.'
The present case is a parallel case.  Burns is in the hands of the law.  Those who engage in the work of attempting to take him away from the officers will commit treason against their country, and must suffer its penalties.  Is there a doubt as to this?  We appeal to the citizens to lay aside their prejudices; to forget partisan opinions; to look at this treasonable movement of Parker, Phillips and their abettors, in its true light.  They aim to give the city over to the mob rule; they intent treason against their country!  What can be worse!  Citizens of Boston! let patriotism, loyalty to law, the recollections of the past, regard for the present, the good name and fame of this place, have their course!  Resolve to trample, as with a strong hand, on this treason, and to support an administration of the law!--Ibid.
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[[bold]] THE SUPREMACY OF LAW. [[/bold]]
The eyes of the whole country are looking to see how Boston will come out of the struggle between law and anarchy--between allegiance to the constitution and the laws, and that rule which is the worst form of tyranny--mob law. It is a gratifying fact that every indication shows that the great body of its citizens are in favor of maintaining order, and of punishing the traitors. 
The struggle is fearful. To the treasonable meeting of Faneuil Hall, the continuous flood of handbills and placards, the actual presence of hundreds and thousands of abolitionists from abroad, and the seditious course of the abolition press, have been added the mad appeals of journals of other places.
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We heard a great deal about the prayers offered up in behalf of the efforts of the abolitionists, on Sunday last, but of no prayers for the widow of the murdered Batchelder--murdered by abolitionists, incited by such men as Parker and Phillips--MURDERED while performing his duties as a citizen under the laws of his country! Oh, men who urge revolution, sedition and murder--upon whose hands rests the blood of an honest, innocent, faithful citizen--have a fearful account to answer.--Ibid.
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Since the death of poor Batchelder, public opinion has universally taken a channel adverse to the course of the fanatics who would thwart the proper course of law, in the case of the fugitive now in the custody of the U.S. Marshal. When we say we rejoice at this, we do not the less,--nor will the community the less.--deplore the melancholy event that has brought it about. We mean the murder of Batchelder.  The real sentiment of the Boston people is far from treasonable, nor is it fanatical,--nor adverse to the carrying out of the laws as they exist,--no matter what violence may be committed, nor what demonstration may be attempted under the false color of popular feeling.  We say this, that our distant friends may not be misled by reports that may reach them to our city's discredit.  That there are persons in our midst, who are prone to consider themselves the oracles of public sentiment, merely because they can invoke the aid of brute force for a transitory triumph in their treasonable designs, we cannot deny.  But these individuals are far from being the exponents of the true feeling of our citizens.  The deeds of violence of Friday night find no sympathy here, except in the breasts of those who would overturn all laws that did not meet their aims, and who would see our country's flag trampled in the dust, so that they and their treasonable practices might achieve a triumph.--Boston Times. 
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There can be no doubt that the citizens of Boston are justified in attributing to the Rev. Theodore Parker and Mr. Wendell Phillips the chief responsibility for the fatal proceedings of Friday night.  Both of these gentlemen are sufficiently known to the public to prevent all surprise at the position which they have taken in this affair.  The first, who seized the first opportunity to do all in his power to vilify and degrade the memory of Daniel [[/column 3]]
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Webster, has achieved, with a reputation for talent of high order, a notoriety as an abettor of almost every violent measure and disorganizing scheme which is [[rejected?]] in the over-wrought brains of the extreme progressiveists.  Bitter, relentless, reckless, he not only denounces fiercely, but he excites artfully, and from the reports of his part in the meeting of Friday evening at Faneuil Hall, it appears that he used all the power of which he is master to rouse the persons present to an open and forcible resistance to the laws.  He roused their jealousy, he stung their pride, he flattered their self-appreciation, and while alluding to their determination, he cast the slightest possible slur upon their courage.  What wonder that, finding them in the mood in which he found them, he sent them out from his presence an infuriated mob!  And this man is called reverend, because he claims to be a minister of Christ's religion. He had a worthy yoke-fellow in Wendell Phillips, a man who, without a tithe of his talent, has all his bitterness and more than his recklessness--a man who glories in confusion for confusion's sake, the breath of whose nostrils is contention, and the desire of whose heart seems to be the utter extirpation of every thing which good men venerate.  It as fitting that such a man should repeatedly urge his hearers to form a guard round the court house occupied by officers of the law, for the purpose of preventing the execution of the law, and that he should point to the successful resistance to the law in the case of Shadrach as an honor, and to the successful execution of the same law in the case of Sims as a disgrace to the citizens of Boston--N. Y. Courier & Enc.
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The following is an extract from an article in the Washington Union, the organ of the national administration:--
Can such instigators to riot and to bloodshed as Sumner and Greeley look upon this record without being overwhelmed with remorse? *  *  *
Boston in arms against the constitution, and an abolition fanatic, the distant leader safe from the fire and the faggot he invokes from his seat in the Senate of the United States, giving the command!  Men shot down in the faithful discharge of duty to a law based upon a constitutional guarantee, and the word which encourages the assassin given by a man who has sworn on the Holy Evangely, and in the presence of his Maker, to support the constitution of the country!  But our Charles Sumner tells us that a new era has been inaugurated--an era requiring more than the wisdom and valor of Washington; more than the eloquence of Fisher Ames; [[page folded, next line obscured]] constitution he has sworn to support is [[unreadable]] language of his associates, 'a league with hell'; and that those who made it ' were slaveholders and murderers ;' that it shall not be obeyed, and that slavery shall, at all and every hazard, be uprooted and destroyed, in spite of all that has been pledged and written by the men of other days.

On the evening of the same day, the Washington Star, the minor organ of the administration, followed up this flagrant attack upon Senator Sumner, in the following language:

Advices have been received by letter in this city to-day from Boston, which represent everything safe and quiet inside the Court House in Boston.  The United States troops are still on duty in the building, to prevent a rescue of the fugitive, and to protect the federal officers in the execution of the law.  Outside the building there is still a large crowd, many of them worthy citizens, attracted by curiosity, but most of them rioters and assassins, collected and summoned by Parker and Phillips, acting under the suggestions of Charles Sumner, and his sattellite in Congress, Mr. Banks.  Circulars have been addressed by the Abolition vigilance committee of Boston to the surrounding towns, urging the 'faithful to come to the city by the early trains.' The following is a copy of the document.  It bears the ear-marks of being the offspring of Sumner and Chase:     *     *     *
We understand that Giddings of Ohio left this city last evening for Boston.  He is undoubtedly the bearer of despatches from Sumner and Chase and Banks.  Why does not Sumner take the field in person, and lead the mob, whose passions he has inflamed by his recent speeches and letters?  Why does he not expose himself to danger alongside of the deluded men whom he has designedly led astray?  Is he not deficient in courage and common manhood?  Men everywhere draw that conclusion.  He prefers to affect the airs and grimaces of a Broadway fop, upon the avenue and in the Senate Chamber, to leading his fanatical confederates to the accomplishment of the ends, for the attainment of which he has so often pronounced himself ready to sacrifice everything.
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The insane idiots who composed that frenzied mob should have been treated as madmen or mad dogs are usually treated--caught and caged, if possible ; but shot down, if they persisted in their course of death and danger.  But what punishment is meet for such men as Sumner, Giddings & Co."  If it had not been for the incendiary, traitorous appeals of these creeping, crawling, cowardly enemies of the Republic, the abolition mob of Boston would have let off their excess of steam in the customary shrieks, stamps and scolding.
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If Southern gentlemen are threatened and assaulted, while legally seeking to obtain possession of property, for the use of which they have a solemn constitutional guarantee--if legal rights can only be sought for and established at the bayonet's point--certain Northern men, now in our midst, will have to evince a little more circumspection than they have ever evinced in their walk, talk and acts.
Public sentiment in Alexandria, we learn, is intensely excited in condemnation of Sumner and his allies.  We know that it increases in this city every hour.  The masses look upon Sumner as responsible for the death of Bachelder.  They attribute, and justly, the action of the murderers to the counsel of Sumner.  We hope that public sentiment against these abolition miscreants who infest Congress and our fair city, and all the atmosphere in which they move with the odor of a brothel, will not descend to acts of personal violence. Such conduct can find no justification.  But let public opinion condemn these men everywhere, in the street, in the Capitol, every place where men meet.  Let Sumner and his infamous gang feel that he cannot outrage the fame of his country--counsel treason to its laws--incite the ignorant to bloodshed and murder--and still receive the countenance and support of the society of this city, which he has done so much to vilify.
While the person of a Virginia citizen is only safe from rudeness and outrage behind the serried ranks of armed men, Charles Sumner is permitted to walk among the 'salve catchers' and 'fire eaters' of the South in peace and security.  While he invites his constituents to resist the federal laws, [[/column 4]]
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even to the shedding of blood, concocts his traitorous plots, and sends forth his incendiary appeals under the broad, protecting panoply of the laws he denounces, he retains his seat in the Senate, and yet daily violates the official oath, which he took to support the constitution of the United States.  If we contrast the treatment which a Southern slaveholder receives at the hands of a Northern abolitionist, with the treatment which the latter receives at the hands of the former, we may proudly assert that, among the many virtues which adorn the Southern character, forbearance is not the least conspicuous (!!!)
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THE RIOTERS OVERAWED AND DISCOMFITED.  It is with great satisfaction we announce to our readers the complete triumph of law in Boston over one of the most ferocious gangs of Abolitionists, black and white, clerical and laical, that ever disgraced the country. Anthony Burns, the fugitive slave of Colonel Suttle, of Alexandria, Va., was yesterday restored to his owner by U. S. Commissioner Loring, after a full and impartial hearing, and was conveyed on board a revenue cutter, then lying at Boston, which is now on her way to Alexandria.  The presence of near 200 U. S. troops, and a powerful police force, under the direction of the U.S. Marshal, supported by a brigade of Massachusetts militia, cooled the ardor of the mobites to such a degree, that they could see the laws of their country enforced, without pulling a trigger, or even attempting a rescue.  Perhaps the ghost of the murdered Batchelder stood before them, and warned them to follow him.  At any rate, their courage oozed out of the ends of their fingers, as usual with Abolitionists when they come to the scratch.--They are mighty with the tongue--great in holding conventions and passing resolutions,--but that being done, their peculiar talent is exhausted.

The Worcester Transcript mourns that $30,000 to $50,000 should be drawn from the United States Treasury, to enforce the surrender of Burns to his master. If it had been $300,000, the money would have been well expended, rather than permit a law of the land, enacted to carry out a fundamental article of the national compact, to be trampled under foot. But who made this expenditure necessary? The Abolitionists. And if the Fugitive Slave Law is to be amended, we hope it will be so amended as to assess all future expenditures which may be rendered necessary by attempts at resistance or demonstrations of resistance by the Abolitionists, upon the Abolitionists themselves. This is no more than strict justice. They render the expenditure necessary; by all means, let them pay [[indecipherable due to a crease in the page]] 

[[/indecipherable]] represented to be rather stupid, and anywhere [[indecipherable]] well in the hands of the Abolitionists, by [[indecipherable]]way. Col. Suttle is every where spoken of as a worthy and estimable man. Had he been deprived of his property by an Abolition mob, the excitement among his neighbors and friends would have been intense. As it is, the affair has created no small stir in that quarter. 

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Human life has been sacrificed--sacrificed in a manner which shows that a previous intention existed to do mischief, and make violent demonstration of opposition to legal authority. Offenders have been arrested; but why, we ask, and we believe that the community solemnly and gravely demands, were not Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips and other insurrectionist leaders taken into custody at the moment that their speeches gave the first occasion to the riot?--N.Y. Journal of Com.
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'The city of Notions,'--the Athens of the North--the eye of America--the focus of education and intellectual light--the cradle of liberty--the law-abiding, God-fearing city of the Puritans--has been in a state of insurrection for several days during the last week. An infuriated despot mob--not of 'ignorant' excitable foreigners, either of German or Irish extraction--but of straight-haired, cool, cautious Yankees, distinguished by the genuine nasal twang, and descended in a direct line from the pilgrims of the Mayflower--have set the Constitution and the supreme laws of the country at defiance, subverted social order,taken possession of the Court House, (!) and perpetrated a high-handed murder of an officer of the United States government, while in the execution of a duty which he was sworn to discharge. 

On Friday, three fugitive slaves, from Maryland, were captured in New York, and surrendered to their lawful owners withoust noise or tumult. Boston must suffer sadly by the comparison in the mind of every friend of order, (!) whether east or west, south or north. 

All the violence enacted in the capital of the old Bay State is the result of the teachings of holy men of God--ministers of the gospel of peace--one of whom actually instigated the fanatical rabble to their bloody work. The only law acknowledged by these apostles of sedition is, what they call 'the higher law,'--a code known only to themselves AND THE DEVIL. Any law, human or divine, that does not square with this law, they execrate, trample, and spit upon, as of no force or obligation. 

According to the dogmas of Parker, and Phillips, and Garrison, to take away the property of a Southern planter by force or fraud is not to steal or rob, though the right by which he owns it is the only right to any property, the only one by which Northern Abolitionists own any thing that is theirs--the law of the land. 

Under the sanction of the higher law, the robbery of a white man is a meritorious act, and killing (provided always that the victim be white) is not only no murder, but deserves the special approbation of Heaven. To compel a lazy, wooly-headed negro to return to his master, and to work for a living, is the highest crime known to the higher law. To slay a white man of the Caucassian race--an officer of mere human law, who assists in enforcing its authority--is a deed entitling the hero who accomplishes it to a higher seat in the seventh Heaven than St. Paul, the Twelve Apostles, or any of 'the noble Army of Martyrs' who have died for the sublime doctrines of Christianity, or for the freedom or man.

But if THE TRAITORS only received their desert in this world, the position to which they would be elevated is a gallows higher than any steeple. We rejoice that so far the majesty of the law has been ultimately vindicated, even at the point of the bayonet; but it would receive a higher and a more salutary vindication, if the REBELS HAD BEEN SHOT DOWN LIKE DOGS; and to this complexion it must come at last.--[JOHN MICHEL'S CITIZEN.

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[[image of a hand with index finger pointing]]THE NEW YORK Express says--'We can come to no other conclusion, on reading this whole case over, than that Parker and Phillips ought to be indicted for murder.'(!!)

Well, they are both ready for trial.



There is a determination on the part of the Abolitionists, and other enemies of the peace of the land, to make this city, if possible, again a scene of disorder and violence. Another attempt to resist the laws of the United States, and bring discredit upon Boston, is already on foot, and will be pushed onward, without scruple, as far as these men dare go. Their inflammatory appeals to the fanatical and reckless part of our population have already been put forth, and everything to excite popular passion, and kindle a mob-spirit among the partizans of anti-slavery, is in preparation for the business of resisting law and authority. We most earnestly hope that the people of Boston will put down this attempt promptly and in the most decided manner. Let the laws of the country be maintained, and the apostles of sedition and enemies of the public peace receive a rebuke that will assure them their old power of doing mischief is at an end. No more mobs--no more violation of law--no more tumults to disgrace our city and state. As long as we profess to live under a government of laws, let us take diligent care that none among us shall perpetrate an outrage upon public authority.--Boston Courier of 27th ult.
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Every honest citizen must feel the deepest mortification to reflect on what happened in this city, on Friday night, Another Abolition mob--the Court House, assaulted and a citizen stabbed to death in the exercise of his duty by an infuriated rabble of fanatics hot from the seditious harangues of the Abolition mob-orators, Wendell Phillips, Theodore Parker, and the rest of that tribe of bedlamites! The whole city thrown into alarm and excitement, the militia called out, and the people of Boston again subjected to the disgrace of riot and resistance to law!

It is quite time for this community to do something more than lament over these outrages--they ought to be stopped at once, and their authors punished as they deserve. The question arises--Who are the real authors of this public violence and murder? The answer is plain--They are the incendiary mob-orators of the Faneuil Hall meeting on Friday evening, who openly proclaimed resistance to the law, and urged on an excited multitude to the deed of violence and blood that followed. These men knew well enough that the only effect of their inflammatory appeals to the passions of their hearers would be tumult and bloodshed; and this was just what they wanted, though they took care to sneak out of the way at the moment of danger. The most arrant poltroons that ever the sun shone upon, they expend their strength in stirring up an excitable multitude to [[indecipherable]]

Are these cowardly[[indecipherable due to a crease in the page]]Cannot the law reach the originators and responsible authors of crime? Are they to get up more mobs and more murders? Are they to plunge this city deeper and deeper in disgrace? We desire to know whose life is safe--what real security we have for the public peace, as long as these things are allowed to take place among us, and the miscreants who are at the bottom of the whole mischief-- men whom every body knows as firebrands and common disturbers of the public peace--go at large, and are permitted (!) to collect the lawless, seditious and disorderly elements of our population around the public buildings of the city, for the express purpose of instigating them to deeds of violence and outrage. The sanctuary of justice (!!) is violated by an infuriated rabble, who stab to death its defenders. Every one knows who set on foot this outrageous proceeding; who it was that counselled and encouraged the murderer to lift the knife; every one knows who, in fact, are the real criminals. Cannot the hand of justice strike the true culprits? The safety (!) and reputation (!) of the city are involved in the answer to this question.--
Courier of 29th ult.


The Abolitionist incendiaries may congratulate themselves in having done no more than commit a useless murder. They have stained their hands with blood, and gained nothing by it, except the clear manifestation of the fact, that the people of Boston will not sanction riot, and bloodshed, and violation of law. To this comfort and satisfaction, Messrs. Parker, Phillips and their abettors have the fairest or foulest pretensions. Whether it will encourage them to go on in preaching riot and bloodshed remains to be seen. --Boston Courier

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To the Editors of the Boston Post.--Gentlemen: At the request of my friends, Colonel Suttle and Mr. Brent, of Virginia, whose names have for several days past occupied so much of the public mind, I write you this. The exiting trial of the fugitive slave is now over; the United States commissioner, after much research and deliberation, has given his decision, and the fugitive, Anthony Burns, is on his way back to Virginia. No man in Boston can fairly say he did not have an impartial trial, and that he was not ably defended by counsel learned in the law and full of zeal for their client; and so far as sympathy could go, that it was not all on his side. In the name of my Virginia friends, I have to thank the citizens of Boston for the firm and patriotic manner in which they have acted during this whole course of this exciting trial. To the United States marshal, to the civil and military authorities, to the United States district attorney, to his counsel, and to the citizens who took an interest in executing the laws of the land, in the name of Virginia and the South, Col. Suttle returns his warmest thanks. The South will never forget this act of justice;  and when I shall return to my own State, I can say to Louisianians that Boston is a law--abiding city, and that I have seen the rights of Southern men respected and firmly maintained--that the order-loving citizens of Boston, in the broad noon of day, executed the constitutional law of the land.  The North and the South are connected by every tie of blood, of friendship, and of interest, and cursed be the hand that shall ever break them apart. Boston is a great city, in many respects the first in the Union; it is the seat of learning and of science; she has sent out to the South and West many a noble son, and her daughters are now the mothers of Southern children. Shall a few misguided men make odious the whole of this great city? No, never. 

To the disconsolate widow of Batchelder--he who fell in defence of the laws of the land--I have to say, that the city of Alexandria will take care of her. To the kind-hearted and philanthropic ladies and gentlemen who actually subscribed and were anxious to purchase the freedom of Anthony Burns, I am authorized to say, that, after his return to Virginia, they can fulfill their benevolent wishes. To the gentlemen of the Boston press who have sustained the law, the whole country is deeply indebted. Yours, very respectfully,
H.W. ALLEN, of Louisiana.
Revere House, Boston, June 2, 1854.