Viewing page 2 of 4

This transcription has been completed. Contact us with corrections.

[bold]] 102   THE LIBERATOR.[[/bold]]  VOLUME XV.--NO. XXVI.
[[6 columns]]
[[column 1]]
are centres of influence, and that, too, in circles scattered all over the North--the theatre of our strength and the place whence our votes must come.  The question for those who would guide the Whig party to answer, is this:  Will you have these increasing thousands arrayed against you or for you?  Let the elections of the last six weeks aid you in determining your real CODITION and your true policy.
[[horizontal line]]

From the New Lisbon Western Palladium.

The anniversary of the Ohio A. S. Society was holden in this place on the 5th, 6th, and 7th inst. and was one of the largest conventions that ever assembled in New Lisbon.  The meetings were held in the Disciples' church, one of the largest in town, and, notwithstanding arrangements had been made for seating a large assembly, by erecting an awning and preparing seats in front of the church, yet the supply was not adequate to the demand, and the result was, that there were many who could not be gratified in hearing the deliberations of the Convention.  The Rev. Mr. McNeely presided with dignity.


Who has distinguished herself as a powerful advocate of the rights of the slave, was in attendance, and contributed largely to the interest of the Convention.  The standard which had been erected for her as 'New-England's eloquent daughter,' as the fearless defender of the rights of the oppressed and suffering millions of our own country, was very high, yet she soared above it higher far.  We have heard much said of her eloquence, have been watching her improvements for some years, and had promised ourselves a rich intellectual treat in hearing her appeals in behalf of the American slave; yet she far exceeded our most sanguine expectations, and we sat from day to day enraptured with the sublimity of her eloquence.

Her strong hold is in debate; she needs opposition to develope the diversified powers of her great mind; of this we had ample opportunity to judge in hearing her participate in a debate on a question of great interest.  She entered the arena and tilted the lance with skill and judgment, manifested tact and shrewdness which would give her the vantage ground over an ordinary debater, even though he should have the right side of the question: this was obvious in the discussion referred to; for notwithstanding she stood alone, for three days, and debated with three preachers, Mr. Keep, Mr. Prentice, Mr. Shelden, and with one lawyer, Mr. Ewing, besides warding off sundry small shots from the rank and file; and notwithstanding she was advocating a resolution which we conceive to be not only wrong, but disgraceful for an American citizen to advocate, yet she, in the language of Mr. Ewing, 'made the worse appear the better cause', and notwithstanding all her cunning, and notwithstanding we differ from her, yet we must do her the justice to say, that her arguments were marked with candor and fairness.

Miss Kelley is well calculated to enlist the sympathy of an audience; her appearance is good, her gestures graceful and appropriate, and her eloquence almost overwhelming; and notwithstanding she entertains sentiments in reference to the dissolution of the Union and the disorganization of churches which every lover of his country should deprecate; notwithstanding on these questions she is wrong, wrong, WRONG; yet we believe she has been greatly slandered, and on other subjects basely misrepresented.  Her moral character, we believe, is unimpeachable.  She has been represented as an infidel; this charge she repudiates, and has endorsed the Christian religion, and the divinity of the scriptures.  We must do her the credit to say, that we believe she has entered the anti-slavery field of labor from the very best motives; prompted by a noble spirit and the impulse of a generous nature, the whole affections of her heart have gone forth to the oppressed, and she has taken her stand on the platform of humanity as the fearless, bold, powerful and eloquent advocate of what she conceives to be justice and truth.  However much in error she may be, who doubts the honesty of her intentions?  She has given her whole patrimony, $6000, to aid in knocking off the manacles of the slave.  Is this any evidence that she is dishonest?  Who believes it?  Not those who have sat and listened to her depicting the horrible system of slavery--the terrible blighting of all the fondest hopes of the slave--the rude and unholy tearing away of the heart's tendrils in the separation of families--in depriving the parent of his child and the child of his parent--in depriving them of the dearest objects of life--and this separation to continue to the end of life's dreary pilgrimage--the horrible reflection that the child has not only been torn away, but is sweating and toiling under a warmer sun and a harder lash--the agonizing pains of a dying parent whose last thought rests upon the horrible fact that his wife and children are slaves, and are suffering all the dreadful and unspeakable evils of the accursed system, with spirits crushed?  no--no!  those who have heard her depicting these evils and witnessed the strong emotions and bleeding of her heart on the relation of them, do not doubt the honesty of her intentions.  Who doubts her honesty of purpose?  Not those who have witnessed the animation of her countenance and the quick pulsations of her heart when anticipating the redemption of the slave: no--no!  Who doubts the purity of her motive?  Those who have deprived themselves, by prejudice from hearing her, and whose ears are open to every misrepresentation they may hear of her; those who believe she is wrong in some points, and have not the honesty and liberality to credit her for that in which she is right.  Yes--yes! these are the persons who believe her dishonest, and who appear to take delight in detracting from her merits, and we pity their narrow mindedness.  Who does not admit the general principle that slavery is wrong?  So does Miss Kelley: go with her that far and you are half way, at least.  Thus far we go with her, but we do not by any manner of means endorse all her positions; far from it.  They are treasonable to the Constitution of the United States, aim at the dissolution of the Union, and as such we condemn them.

Such are the powers of mind and eloquence of Abby Kelley, a lady who has attracted a large share of public attention for the past few years.
[[horizontal line]]

From the Ohio Patriot.


The annual meeting of this body (a state organization,) commenced its sessions on Wednesday evening of last week, and continued till late on the following Saturday.  Its proceedings excited very great interest and its meetings were attended, by a vast concourse from the surrounding country, and was composed of persons of all colors, sects, parties, predilections, and professions.  The Disciples' Church being insufficient to accommodate the multitude, a spacious awning was erected in front of the house, which afforded a partial protection from the rays of a scorching sun.

During the past week, the doings of this Convention have been engrossing subject of public conversation.  Little else has been talked of; and at one time, serious fears were entertained that the zeal of some persons in parrying off the attacks made upon one portion of the Constitution of our country, would lead to the violation of another portion not less sacred than the first.  In other words,--the threats of some, and the suggestions of others, indicated that the liberty of speech was about to be trampled in the dust, and that the fame of Washington and Jefferson, and the defence of the Constitution, were to be surrendered to the keeping of a mob!  We rejoice to record the fact that better counsels prevailed--that order was preserved--that our borough was saved from a lasting disgrace,--and that the existence of a mob has given no ground for asserting that the doctrines advanced by the lecturers could not be overcome by reason, but must be crushed by brute violence.

The chief speakers who addressed the Convention in behalf of the anti-slavery organization were Mr. Giles Stebbins and Miss Abby Kelley, both of Massachusetts.

In relation to Miss Kelley, our readers will expect some passing notice.  In fact, the position she occupied, as the master spirit of the occasion, entitles her to a more extended notice than we have time or room to give.  Having been in attendance at the Convention but a few minutes during its entire continuance, we are chiefly indebted to the public voice for the estimate which we have formed of the convention and its speakers.  Judging by that voice, it is not to be doubted that Miss Kelley's talent and power as an orator are of an uncommon order, and are rarely equalled in either sex.  Such seems to be the judgement of whigs, democrats and liberty-men, all of whom, in common with Quakers, Presbyterians, Methodists, &c., &c., came in for a full share of her galling lash.  In the conflict of debate although holding the unpopular

[[/column 1]]
[[column 2]]

side of the question she alternately scathed, bewildered and stultified her antagonists.  In successive encounters, the Rev. Messrs. Keep, Prentice, Sheldon, and W. D. Ewing, Esq., made bold and unsparing assaults upon her positions; but such was her promptness and dexterity, that when the audience might have supposed her vanquished, she returned upon her adversaries--regained her position, and took possession of the field.

Such is a brief notice of the extraordinary mental powers of this most extraordinary woman.  In appearance, she is lady-like and prepossessing, and is said to be something over twenty-five years of age.  Her path is a thorny one, yet she seems to tread it with as much delight as if strewed with roses.  However pure and virtuous, she cannot expect to be exempt from the bestial remarks of beastly men.  In defiance of all obstacles, she presses forward, and will probably persevere in her present career till reason, taxed too much, drops from its mooring.  Whilst all were charmed by her eloquence, and united in admiration of her intellectual prowess, the vast majority of parents who sat as her hearers, would prefer to yield their daughter to the cold embrace of death, than to live to see her follow in the foot-steps of Abby Kelley.

We hope that the doings of this Convention may have their proper effect upon all portions of our citizens.  Let it remind the friends of our Republic 'that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.'  Let the friends of the colored race remember that negro slavery (although a curse to the community and a blot upon our national escutcheon,) is not the only evil which afflicts us as a people.  'The Union; it must be preserved!'  Under all circumstances, and in every trial, let this be the motto of every patriot in the land.  Let democrats bear in mind, when they hear of the wrongs inflicted upon the southern black man, that there is also a WHITE SLAVERY which robs and beggars laboring industry to enrich the manufacturing nabob and the legalized paper money monopolist.  Let Christians, when they approach the Throne of Grace to ask blessings upon the heathen of other climes, remember that 'true charity begins at home.'  As patriots, as lovers of peace and friends of humanity, let them fervently invoke the Divine interposition in behalf of the oppressed of our own land, and to arrest the storm of discord and disunion which threatens to destroy the happiness of our People and the glory of our Republic.  Let all do their duty, and all will be well.

[[horizontal line]]

From the Salem (Ohio) Village Register.


The meeting at New-Lisbon, held last week, continued three days.  We should judge that about five hundred people were in attendance; much interest seemed evinced by the friends of the slave.  Considerable excitement was created by the 'ultra doctrines of Abby Kelley.'  The evening of the 4th she lectured, and in the course of her remarks, attempted to prove the Africans the same kind of beings as ourselves, differing only in the color of the skin.  This was truly shocking to the liberty and Christian-loving community of New-Lisbon, and of course created some feeling against her.  On the first day of the Convention a resolution was introduced, censuring the Constitution, and charging the signers of the Declaration of Independence with hypocracy.  This produced quite a flare up, and called out a lengthy and warm discussion, which was continued until the evening of the second day.

The most singular affair in connexion with the Convention was the refusal of the use of the Presbyterian Church to hold their meeting in.  The Convention  was composed of men of the first respectability, from different parts of this, as well as other States, and the Committee who made application for the house, agreed to pay any reasonable amount they should be taxed for its use, as well as give a guarantee that order should be observed.  And yet in the town of New-Lisbon the citizens of this State are refused a suitable house in which they might discuss a subject of the greatest importance to the human family.  It will not do in this religious age to come in contact with crime, if it is likely to interrupt the peace and harmony of 'our society.'  It is declared by the religious society of Presbyterians that it 'is no bar to Christian communion' if a man should be a woman-whipper, a slave-monger; no bar to Christian communion if he should be guilty of robbing the mother of her offspring, of destroying the marriage contract, if his every garment should be stained with the blood of his fellow beings, and engaged in the black, cruel, and bloody deeds of slavery.  But it 'is a bar' against entering within the holy walls in which 'communion' is held, if you should preach deliverance to the captive.  You are not allowed to enter unless you leave outside your principles.  These are some of the facts in the case.  The Church was refused to worthy and respectable citizens of the State, and for the sanction of slavery we refer to the resolutions passed by the Presbytery convened at Cincinnati on the 15th ult.  The public can put their own construction upon them.

Whatever may be said of Abby Kelley's views, (the policy of which we as an individual have our doubts,) too much cannot be said of her oratorical powers, her gigantic mind, her devotedness and sincerity to the cause in which she is engaged.--Truth is her polar star, justice her guide: disregarding all prejudice or favoritism, she boldly and fearlessly declares her sentiments, without respect to sect or party.  Several meetings have been appointed for her through this section of the State; we say to friend and foe, hear her if your power, you will never regret the trouble it may occasion you to get to her meetings.  She will be in Salem on the evening of the 16t, and on the 17th and 18th inst.

[[horizontal line]]

From the New Lisbon (Ohio) Aurora.


Wednesday evening, June 4th.

It was announced by bills, and otherwise, that Abby Kelley would speak at the Disciples' Church.  Before the time for meeting arrived, it was evident that people begun to think something extra was on hand, notwithstanding the pro-slavery party was trying to jibe the friends of the slave by asking, Are they beginning to crowd in yet? and similar questions, in order to taunt and ridicule.  Before her arrival here it may be stated that, she was the object of much low ridicule and remark, among certain chaste and orderly members of society.  The bell was rung early, the people repaired to the place in crowds--many from  honest purposes to hear the truth--but not a few from idle curiosity to hear a woman speak.  Miss K. appeared on the rostrum, and the audience were not long in finding out that she could speak, and that too with an energy and power that but few can rival or even imitate.

Her speech on this occasion was somewhat of a general character than otherwise--giving the A, B, C of Abolitionism, including several preliminary points.  She, however, used up prejudice against color most ably--showed the utter imbecility of opposition to the anti-slavery movement on this opposition to the anti-slavery movement on this account, and touched on other points equally important, with an ability equal in clearness and conclusiveness.  Taking this first effort, altogether she exhibited abilities of a high order; and some, perhaps many, who came to carp at or condemn what she said, right or wrong, were awed into respect for her talents, if not for the doctrines she taught.  She spoke for an hour and a half or more, and the meeting adjourned to meet on

Thursday morning, June 5th.

On this morning--the weather being exceedingly dry and the roads dusty--crowds were seen coming in, keeping a continual dust, and for numbers, it looked in the forenoon, a good deal like 1840.  Here they came on foot, on horses, in buggies, carriages, and upon wagons, forming a continual stream, at least from the West, a considerable time.  At the arrival of the hour, 10 o'clock, the house was crowded, and it would have still been crowded, were it twice as large, for a great many could not obtain admittance.  An awning was erected in front of the church, which was also pretty well filled on this day.  The crowd indicates that there is a deep moving among the waters in regard to the welfare of the slave, notwithstanding many may have been induced to come to hear and see a woman talk against the great evil of the land.  It shows that a deeper interest is taken in the welfare of the salve in this part of the State at least than heretofore has been evinced.  All political parties, and all religious sects were represented, some with very full delegations, in this meeting.  Whigs, democrats, liberty men, non-resistants, community men, temperance men, topers, and numerous other sorts, to be guessed at--besides,a considerable number of colored people, were there.  And the progress of the meeting, too, proved that pusillanimous, cowardly, dastardly mobocracy was represented there, as their ill manners often showed, but their caution was too large to permit even the basest of them to break

[[/column 2]]
[[column 3]]

an egg or throw a stone, though it is said they had rotten eggs, perhaps as addled as their brains, in great plenty   These are the fit tools of the slave-holders, man-thieves, who scruple not to violate every command in the decalogue, and then attempt to legalize it by law, and sanctify it by Scripture.--Such have a place among the watch-dogs and blood-hounds of their Southern overseers.

A Committee of highly respectable gentlemen was appointed in the morning to make efforts to obtain the Presbyterian church, it being the largest public building in the town.  They went to the trustees, and offered them a fair compensation, and pledged themselves the house should not be injured; but in the face of all this, it was refused.  This cause is too unpopular yet to have a hearing there, though no doubt many of the membership are as truly humane people as are to be found.  Many were present from a distance in different parts of the State, also from Pennsylvania and Virginia; but no matter who were present, the cause of the slave was not deemed of sufficient magnitude to secure admittance within its sanctified walls.  It will not always be so.

[[horizontal line]]

[[line drawing of hand pointing to the right]] The following phillipic is from the New-Lisbon (Ohio) Palladium.

The treasonable resolutions which were offered and discussed at the anti-slavery convention, have had at least one good effect; they have opened the eyes of the community to the true position which these professed friends of the slave occupy.  We invited the people to turn out and hear, and we are glad they did turn out.

The anti-republican, anti-Christian, and detestatable positions assumed, broke upon the assembly with greater astonishment than would peals of thunder in a clear day.  We do not consider the attacks made upon the framers of the Constitution or on the Constitution itself more to be reprobated than the proposition to disorganize the churches as they now exist; this would indeed be subversive of the best interests of our country, not only for the present but for all time to come.  Many of our citizens who are opposed to slavery, now entertain very different feelings towards the Loyd Garretson and Abby Kelley school of fanatics than they did before the Convention.  In this way we think the Convention has done good, and we again invite all who have an opportunity, to go and hear Abby Kelley.

The Rev. Mr. Sheldon certain paid a very sorry compliment to the intelligence of the citizens of New Lisbon when he admonished them not to attend these meetings; those whose principles of patriotism and religion are well grounded have nothing to fear from free discussion, and to those of weak minds and doubtful patriotism and religion we say, stay away, you would there walk in dangerous paths.

We ask forever to be delivered, not only from the detestable principles of Abby Kelley, but also from the contracted views of those who fear free and full discussion on all points touching the institutions of our country--truth must and will prevail over error.

[[double horizontal line]]

PENSACOLA, (Flor.) June 2d, 1845.

The Brig Franklin, of Provincetown, Capt. Nickerson, arrived here on the 21st ult., from a whaling cruise in the Bay of Mexico.  She came into port on account of some difficulty between the captain and some of the crew.  Immediately after her arrival, three of the crew were delivered up to the civil authorities and committed for trial, which took place on the 30th ult., the court being then in session.  One was set at liberty, the other two were put on trial and sentenced, one to thirty days imprisonment, the other to six months.

It appeared that the difficulty originated principally in consequence of the captain having flogged several of the crew, and using threats of violence towards others for no sufficient cause.  No violence had been used on the part of the crew, other than that two of them had refused to do duty, and others had protested in strong language against the proceedings of the captain in regard to his conduct towards some of the crew.

Whilst the brig was lying in this port, the steward inflicted a slight wound with a knife on one of the crew, while in a quarrel with him, for which he was brought before the court and received 39 lashes (strokes) with a raw-hide switch on the bare back, was charged $10 12 1-2 and costs, and sent on board again.

Five others of the crew left the brig, and more were anxious to do so, but she went to sea on the 30th--report says destined for Mobile, to ship more crew.

The two prisoners are now confined in the jail of this city.

Your obt' servant,

[[horizontal line]]

THE HARBINGER.--This is the name of a very handsome looking journal, just commenced by the Association at 'Brook Farm,' West Roxbury.  It is devoted to social and political progress.  The contributors are among the best writers of the day, comprising an amount of talent which ought to furnish a large legion of subscribers.  Terms, $2 00 per year, in advance.  Address 'Editors of the Harbinger, Brook Farm, West Roxbury.

REV. E. S. GANSETT.--We should think this gentleman would make a first rate preach for some Southern slave market.  He appears to be most loyal to the slave interest.  He says, Slavery and Christianity are not incompatible; but can exist side by side.  That is Christianity with a vengeance.-- Essex transcript

Lay Convention of the Methodist E. Church in Kentucky.--The Christian Intelligencer, of Georgetown, (Ky.) a Methodist paper edited by a clergyman, contains a call for a Convention of the laity of the Methodist Episcopal Church, to consider the propriety of the action of the ministers at the Louisville Convention in relation to the separation of the body into Northern and Southern divisions.  This movement is an extraordinary one for that body of people, but is one of the characteristics of the times.

Abduction Frustrated.--On Monday afternoon, a man from Louisville, Ky., whose name we could not learn, while passing up Market street, seized a young colored boy by the throat, and would have taken him off, had it not been for the timely interference of some of the spectators.  He claimed the boy as his slave, and said he could produce papers which would prove his legal claim to him; but the crowd did not seem to understand the slaveholder, and in 'double quick time' carried the boy off out of the reach of his master.  The circumstance created a good deal of excitement at the time.-- Pitsburgh Chronicle.

Important from Liberia.--A letter from Governor Roberts, dated April 17, published in the Sun, says that the colonial schooner John Seys, has been captured by an English man-of-war--apparently in retaliation for a seizure of goods on which the owner refused to pay the colonial dues at Grand Bassa.  We shall doubtless have farther particulars soon.

Another Slaver Expected.--We learn by the brig Brothers, which arrived at this port from Rio Janeiro, that the brig Porpoise, of Brunswick, Me., which was seized at Rio some time since, suspected of being a slaver, was to sail from thence on the 13th of May for Boston, under command of Sailing-master Duer, of the U. S. ship Raritan.--Boston Traveller.

Fugitive Slaves.--One portion of Judge McLean's opinion in the Indiana slave case seems to be of some interest to Wisconsin, while she remains a territory.  If we understand its import, slaves escaping into that territory from masters residing in any of the new slave States need not be surrendered.  This would extend to escapes from Kentucky, Tennesse, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri, into Wisconsin.  From Missouri large numbers have hitherto escaped into Illinois, and thence made their way into Canada.  They will probably push now for Wisconsin.  Another effect may be to array a class, more or less numerous, against the early admission of that territory into the Union.  At the same time the slave States will find new reason to desire it at once.

Great Britain has on the coast of Africa forty vessels of war, carrying about five hundred guns; and on the coast of Brazil twelve war vessels, carrying two hundred and fifty guns.

British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.--The sixth annual meeting was recently held in Exeter Hall.  Mr. J. J. Gurney filled the chair.  The report, read by Mr. Scoble, contained a mass of statistics, and touched upon many of the standing topics.  It deplored the fact that 400,000 Africans are still annually kidnapped for the slave markets for the Spanish Colonies, Brazil, Egypt, Syria, Turkey, Persia, and India.  The speakers were the leading members of the Society--the Rev. Messrs. Beechum, John Burnett, W. Knibb, and others, and the speeches merely echoed the report.

Elworth finished his thousand miles in as many hours, at New-Orleans, on the 8th, at 8 in the morning, and then walk on for fun till 4 P.M., and offered to walk a mile with anybody for $50 or $500 a side.

[[/column 3]]
[[column 4]]

[[dividing line]]

BOSTON, JUNE 27, 1845.
[[dividing line]]

[[image: line drawing of hand pointing to the right]]
The Editor of the Liberator is absent on an anti-slavery excursion in Worcester county; and hence the lack of editorial matter in our present number.

Reported for the Liberator.


A special meeting of this Committee was held on Wednesday evening, at the Common Council Chamber, to hear the report of a Committee previously appointed, on the petition of a number of colored citizens, praying 'that separate schools for colored children be abolished--and that said children be permitted to attend the schools in their several districts.'

The hall was well filled, there being an unusually large attendance of the Committee, and the seats reserved for spectators were all occupied.

MR. INGRAHAM submitted a brief report of the majority of the Committee, to the effect that the request was a right of the petitioners.  But, as the Grammar School Committee had not acted on the subject, therefore,

'Resolved, That in accordance with the foregoing report, it is inexpedient to grant the prayer of the petitioners.'

A report was read by Dr. Bowditch, in behalf of the minority of the Committee, reviewing the whole question, with much ability.

Voted, That when the question be taken, it be taken by yeas and nays.

MR. BOARDMAN moved to accept the resolution offered by the majority; when, after several calls for the question,

REV. W. W. PATTON rose and remarked, that if this was a principle which involved the rights and privileges of the rich, it would not be immediately voted upon.  It is well known that the petitioners are much interested in the decision of this question, as it is one which involves not merely their rights in the free schools, but the question whether the black man is to be degraded below the white, here in a State where our Legislators have taken special care that not a vestige of such degradation shall remain upon the statute book.  The action here influences the actions of individuals; they look upon the colored as a degraded class, as long as we uphold them by corresponding action.  It is useless for us to prate of the conduct of South Carolina, so long as we maintain-- illegally maintain--a practice here which at least incidentally sanctions it.  The minority report must have convinced all that this principle is anti-republican.  Every one will admit that it is indefensible in the abstract.  If it is indefensible in the abstract, it must be so in the concrete.  It is useless, it is idle; it is worse than either, it is WRONG.  It is wicked, to assert that a fact, for fact it is, can be morally right in theory, yet wrong in practice.  It is morally wrong to maintain this condition, if it degrades the colored child.  The white child looks upon and despises the colored child as of an inferior order of beings, as long as these things continue; this we all know, this we have all experienced.

If a law in accordance with this practice were to be made, or to be refused, we should all, everyone of us, vote against it.  Why, then, should we object to do away with it?  Why this aversion to admitting that we have been wrong?  It would only prove that we are now wiser men than we were.  Nay, further, if we be not commanded to make this unjust law, we surely ought not now to continue a principle manifestly inconsistent with the democratic rights of all.

Mr. A. J. WRIGHT thought we ought to look at this question calmly, and find out whether it be right or wrong.  He could see no reason why the colored child should be excluded from the schools more than his own.  'I love my country,' said he, 'and wish all my neighbors to have the same rights which I have myself.  We wish these citizens to be good citizens!  Let us educate them for good citizenship, under the same principles that we do others.

DR. CHARLES A. PHELPS said that he felt unwilling to trespass upon the patience of the Board at that late hour, and also felt unwilling to give a silent vote.  He must say, that he regretted the course which gentlemen opposed to the resolutions of the minority had thought fit to pursue on this question.  He had hoped that it would have been discussed candidly and fully.  Gentlemen erred, greatly erred, if they thought to strangle this question.  He should vote for the prayer of the petitioners, 1st, Because it was legally their right.  The Supreme Court had decided that towns should be divided into school districts, only by geographical lines; that these districts must include all the inhabitants; that all must enjoy equal privileges.  From whom then have we obtained the power, in direct contravention of the authority of the Supreme Court, to establish separate schools for any particular class?  We have established two schools, one at the north, and one at the West part of the city.  These the colored children are compelled to attend, (if they attended any,) in whatever part of the city they may reside.  Can this be considered extending to them equal privileges with the whites?  He should vote for it, 2d, Because it was expedtent.  Many appear to doubt on this point.  Now, it appears to me, that the best light under which we can judge of this, is that of experience.  In Salem, in New-Bedford, and in nearly all the towns throughout the State, tho experiment had been fully made, and the result has shown its success.  [In alluding to the case at Salem, he paid a merited compliment to the services of the Hon. Stephen C. Phillips.]  If it is unlawful for us to exclude these children from the public schools, nothing can make it expedient for us to continue in wrong-doing.  The purest right is the highest expediency.  3d.  We are bound to grant the prayer of the petitioners, because, by refusing it, we sanction a bad precedent.  By making a discrimination among the children of our citizens, we aim a blow at one of the fundamental principles of our whole system of Public Schools.  We might add another step, and yield to prejudice the power to separate the children of the poor and the rich, or the children of the mechanic and the professional man.

Finally, the speaker assured them that the measure would be carried.  They might even turn these petitioners with contempt from their doors.  But the truth would triumph.  Some gentlemen were apprehensive that public opinion might not sustain them; he thought differently; but were it otherwise, our own duty, said he, is none the less clear and imperative.  The day is not far distant when a sentiment which is abroad in the community on this and kindred subjects, (he alluded to no party,) would 
demand of this Board right action in this matter.

He closed by expressing his deep conviction of the justice and the expediency of the measure.

MR. STEDMAN said, Yes, the time will come, and what better work can we do than to hasten that time?  We shall not pass this measure to-night, but it will succeed.  Boston is a glorious city, and this act will make it more glorious.

Hon. JOHN C. PARK said, if the colored man wishes to send his child to the nearest school, and within geographical limits, we have no right to deny him.  The law is plain, there is no overcoming it.  It is a privilege, and not a prejudice, which sends them to these separate schools.  Let me be satisfied that they do not consider it a privilege, and I vote with the minority.  But of that I am not satisfied, and have not been.  I undertake to say that it was a jubilee day when the Smith school was established?  Why is it changed?  Because people have put it in their ears that it is a prejudice which sends them there.

The principal part of Mr. Park's remarks were devoted to proving the legal right of the colored man to send his children to the nearest school.  And yet he supported and voted for Mr. Ingraham's report, on 

[[/column 4]]
[[column 5]]

the absurd and futile ground, that by allowing the colored people to send their children to the common schools, we should rob them of their rights.  In other words, that it would be an injury to them to give them the same education with the whites!  Mr. Park knows that an oppressed and despised class are ill-treated just in proportion as they are kept separate from the favored majority.  The abuses in the Smith School, to which the community turn a deaf ear, would not have been suffered a single month if the pupils were white.  No one is better acquainted with these facts than Mr. Park, and it was with indignation, and something like disgust, that we heard him contend, as he has done, in times past, in the Legislature, that the prejudice of color does not exist in this community.  As he values his reputation for common candor, we trust he will not repeat an assertion so notoriously unfounded.  It is a false policy in Mr. P. to attempt to conciliate the colored people by asserting their rights, and to pander to the hatred of the colored man, by refusing to protect those rights.  Such a course may seem a very ingenius expedient, to a mere politician, but our colored citizens are too intelligent to be deceived by it, and their friends are a growing body.  Such policy is not adapted to the state of public opinion and morals in Massachusetts, and cannot succeed.

Mr. Park has admirable abilities as a public speaker.  Let him be candid, uncompromising for the right, truly courageous, and with such talents, an honored and useful career may be his.  Nothing less can gain him solid success, or the only respect worth having.

As to the suggestion that the colored people are themselves satisfied with the arrangements that confine their children to separate schools, it is unworthy of a reply.  No respectable colored person feels them to be other than a grevious wrong and insult.

DR. BOWDITCH remarked that 'he could not pretend to cope with the gentlemen who last spoke, (Mr. Park) as he (Dr. B.) was wholly unaccustomed to public debate, but as he had been especially called upon by Mr. Park, he rose to make a few remarks.  In the first place, he would say that he did not know how large a majority of the petitioners were parents, neither did he care; for, as he conceived, the merits of the question depended as much upon the fact that one human being, feeling that he was degraded by being obliged to go to separate schools, asked for their abolition, as if all the colored people in the city should ask the same favor.  But he would remark, that certainly two of them were fathers of families and clergymen, and one of them (with shame for Boston did he speak it!) had, since signing this petition, left the city in order to live in an adjacent town where no distinction was made.

Mr. Park had denied that there was any prejudice against color in this community.  Dr. B. would not call it folly for a man thus to deny a self-evident proposition.  The gentlemen had aid that he had been seated at a church where a colored man was by his side; but did he remember the occurrence that took place some few  years since, when a respectable colored man bought a pew in Park-street?  Oh! no! there was no prejudice in the community!  Yet the good people of that church refused to worship God while the colored man held possession of a pew!  The fact is, that Mr. Park's church was a glorious exception to the general rule.  There were other churches, thank God! which were now exceptions to the universal rule which prevailed ten years since, under the influence of some of those against whom Mr. Park would cast his insinuations that prejudice was yielding; but it still ruled this community, and would govern this board in their votes on this question.

The gentlemen had quoted the far-famed picture of the Battle of Bunker Hill, and asked why no objection was made to the appearance of the colored man in that memorial of the resolution.  Dr. B. would reply that the instance quoted was only a proof of what was brought forward in the report, viz: that in those times were less prejudice than exists now, for the negro marched shoulder to shoulder with the white man in the armies of the revolution.

It was the first time, Dr. B. said, that he ever learned that these colored schools were established for the special benefit of the colored people.

[MR. PARK here very rudely interrupted the speaker, and demanded for what they were established unless for the benefit of the colored people.

We would here remark that Mr. P. frequently insulted in this way by his browbeating questions the speakers on the minority side of the question.]

Dr. B. replied that it was true they were established for the benefit of the colored people, but merely because we felt forced to give them some instruction.  But he would ask the gentleman, as he seemed to think that the colored people ought to regard those schools as a 'special privilege,' whether he himself would like the privilege of sending his child to a school of 15, if by that act he was going to fix a stigma on his child forever, as, in fact, these colored schools do?  For his part, Dr. B. thought he himself should object to sending his child to any such school.

The gentleman has said there is no exclusion from the professions--and that recently one colored man had been received as a member of the bar.  Dr. B. would say that there is a method of exclusion more terrible than a merely formal one; and as Mr. Park had expressed his opinion, Dr.B. would give his, which was, that the gentleman alluded to would starve in that profession.  Certainly that was the case in his own, the medical profession.  It was impossible for any colored man to succeed in it.  But the gentleman says, there is no prejudice!  Well, perhaps the gentleman's eyes are not so keen as those of his neighbors.

The gentleman repeats that these schools were for the benefit, and special benefit, of the colored race.  Dr. B. would ask how Mr. Park would explain the fact that many colored people kept their children from school solely because they would not be degraded.  That such is the fact, Dr. B. had ample evidence in conversation with colored people, and especially did he remember one, who for natural good sense and delicacy of sentiment, was equal to any person in any rank.  That person had kept her children form school for two years, solely for the reasons above mentioned.

Dr. B. made a few more remarks, which we did not get notes of,--and immediately on his taking his seat, loud cries of 'Question,' 'Question,' were made from various parts of the hall.

In fact, it was the policy of the majority to quietly hush up this question, and, so far as they are concerned, they did it.  Some persons have said that all the argument was on the side of the minority.  Very true.  For it was the policy of the leaders to prevent all debate by--closing their own mouths!  They were afraid to put down the proposition by violence, but they were equally afraid to debate it.  In fact, one of the leaders so dreaded it, that he begged a friend of ours not to speak, because, said he, 'we shall get a better vote by not talking, than if we have any long debate.'

The question was then taken on the adoption of the resolve of the majority of the Committee, and carried, 55 yeas to 12 nays.

[[horizontal line]]



I promised to let you have some account of the proceedings in our Primary School Committee.  I proceed now to give them to you.  Four months since, a petition, signed by fifteen colored men in this city, was put into my hands, with the request that I would present it to that Committee.  It was very mild in its language, and asked simply that the children should be allowed to go to any schools nearest their respective residences, and that the colored schools should be abolished.  I presented it at our first meeting, (in February,) and those present most summarily voted, that the petition should be laid on the ta-

[[/column 5]]
[[column 6]]

ble.  I was very indignant; and in speaking to some of the members after the adjournment, I told them, that if they supposed they could stop me by their decisions, which were as infamous as the Atherton gag-laws, they were much mistaken, and that I should bring the subject up again every three months, as long as I lived, until they should refer it to a special committee, who would report upon it.  I cannot tell whether my remarks had any effect; but suffice it to say, that at the next meeting, (only a month afterwards,) and when many more were present, the petition was taken from the table and referred to a special committee, consisting of J. W. Ingraham, James Tolman, R. W. Bayley, James F. Blake, and myself as chairman.  After various meetings of the Committee, it was decided that two reports must be drawn up, and Mr. Bayley had been necessarily absent from the meetings, he was left to choose which of the two reports he would sign.  It was thus left doubtful for a long time which side the majority would advocate, whether that of justice, or of barefaced, impudent tyranny against the colored race of this city.  To Mr. Bayley fairly belongs the distinguished honor of making the majority take the latter course, the committee having been previously equally divided.  We regret this on the part of Mr. Bayley, for from some of his previous 'good talks' for the colored people, we presumed that he would of course act the part of righteousness and justice.  We hope better in future, but we must say we have much more respect for the fiercest opponents of the colored race, than for such men as Mr. B. and his worthy coadjutor, Mr. Park, who, as we shall presently see, amply sustained his previous reputation of always voting and speaking with the majority.  But, to return from my digression.

The Board met June 4th, and an adjournment was moved in order to take up the subject of the schools, all the evening having been necessarily occupied in the transaction of common business.

Accordingly, June 19th, a very full Board appeared, showing, at least, that the subject was an interesting one.

I soon perceived that the main object of the majority was to have as little debate as possible upon the subject.  I regretted very much that we had no ready debaters on our side; but we had some noble souls, and out of the heart I knew they would speak.  My report was drawn up in detail, after hearing all the arguments, pro and con, and necessarily it became rather long, for I wished to present both sides of the question in as distinct a light as I could.  The arguments for our side of the question were considered as follows:

Separate schools should be abolished--

1.  Because they beget and foster prejudice.

2.  Because the moral and legal rights of the colored demand that course.

3.  Because, by so doing, we should destroy one of the last traces of slavery in Massachusetts.

4.  Because of the moral benefits that would accrue to the whites in overcoming their pride and prejudices.

5.  Because of the distance from the schools at which some scholars reside.

6.  The example that would be set to churches, &c.

7.  The pocket question--in which it was proved that we pay nearly twice as much to educate a colored as a white child.

8.  Because of its perfect safety, as illustrated by the Salem schools, and elsewhere.

9.  Because the present laws are evaded.

I afterwards examined the objections to the measure, viz:

1.  The natural (?) prejudice between the races.

2.  The fear of injuring the primary school system.

3.  No person a right to public instruction; ergo the colored people ought not to complain.

4.  We have no right to legislate in advance of public opinion.

5.  Physiological developement of the two races.

6.  The fact that our powers originate with the Grammar School Committee.

7.  The fact that all the petitioners are not parents.

This report was signed by myself and James Tolman.

The other report, drawn up by Mr. Ingraham, did not even argue the question; but in a single half page disposed of the rights of thousands of their fellow-beings upon the most flimsy pretext, that because the Grammar School Committee voted 'Nay,' last year, we ought 'not to legislate upon the subject.'  The committee acknowledged the full right of the petitioners to ask further favor, but concluded (Mr. Bayley, be it remembered, being of the number) that it is [inexpedient to legislate on the subject.'

We well knew that our friends would be few in number, but we thought that most of them would be true; but as it proved, some of them could not stand the test of 'Ayes and Nays,' and voted against their own  expressed views and promises to vote for the right.

Previous to the meeting, there was much private conversation with different members on the part of one person prominent in the opposition.  His object seemed to be to check all debate.  That he dreaded, and so effectually did he marshal his forces, that only one, viz.  Mr. Park, saw fit to open his mouth in the negative.  In fact, the majority would have taken the question without any debate, and not some of our friends come to the rescue.  I was amused very much at the tactics displayed on the occasion, and could not help gaining hope for the anti-slavery cause, from considering the difference between the course pursued now, and that pursued some eight or ten years ago.  Then, these unfortunate petitioners were styled 'hyenas and monkeys,' and mob law was meted out to their defenders.  At our meeting, a brief report was read, allowing that these persons really have some rights, notwithstanding that it is inexpedient to legislate upon them.  The counter report was patiently heard, and instead of abuse, the new form of tactics introduced, viz. that of dogged silence, and 'killing without debate.'

Mr. Patton, the Congregational clergyman of S. Boston, opened the debate.  Mr. Stedman, the Minister at Large in Boston, followed him; both earnestly pleading the cause of the colored people.  These two gentlemen were followed by Mr. Wright and Dr. Phelps, two of the truest souls on this subject I have met with.  I cannot pretend to vive even a sketch of their remarks.  For my own part, I had determined  to say nothing, but Mr. Park called upon me in such a marked, and, as I thought, insulting manner, I could not help saying a few words.  While he was speaking his volumes of folly about there being no prejudice in this community--and that it was a day of jubilee to the colored people when these schools were established, (just as if, supposing the fact to have been as he stated , that it would be any argument for their continuance when they were found to degrade the very people for whose 'special benefit' they were established,) while he unblushingly claimed to have 'always been a friend to the colored man,' which every one knows the A, B, C,of the anti-slavery cause, knows to be false, and that he has never defended them, save when he received money therefor, or when the majority was with him; above all, when with the most remarkable assurance he declared that he should feel it to be 'a great privilege' to have his own children sent to such schools.  When he was saying all these things, and making many personal and invective remarks, I thought that, with an unprejudiced audience, his speech would have done us much service.

I made a few remarks in reply, during which, Mr. Park frequently interrupted me, in a manner which, the more I think of it, seems to me to have been wholly unworthy of a man pretending to any gentlemanly deportment, and which, had I been a more practised debator, I think I should have passed over in silence.
[[/column 6]]