This transcription has been completed. Contact us with corrections.
NOVEMBER 23. THE LIBERATOR. 187 [[start 1st column]] forwarded to this country. To this movement, Mr. Estlin's letter (already quoted from) largely contributed, and in carrying it to a successful termination, his aid was freely given. Some among us do not forget the tone of derision and even insolence in which certain leading Unitarians in and around Boston, assailed this temperate to answer, a few extracts are subjoined: 'To be permitted to share in your celebrations would be felt as a high privilege. *** Boston to us, would, indeed, be interesting ground; and the scenes which have been familiar to the living and the dead, with whose names our reverence and love are affectionately intertwined, could not be visited by us with any common emotion.' 'Nevertheless, in the exercise of the liberty where-with the gospel makes us free,-and encouraged by the recollection of the brotherly relation in which you permit us to hope we mutually stand,-we feel that we should be frank in the expression of our thoughts, and that it becomes us to state that there are circumstances, as we have been lately informed, which justify our anxiety for some explanation,-in order to disembarrass a proposal which, apart from those circumstances, could not be otherwise than acceptable and grateful to our hearts.' 'It has been reported, brethren, that among the officers of one of the most important of those Societies in whose operations you have invited us to take a part, [the American Unitarian Association,] there was at least one individual in the unhappy predicament of being a holder of slaves.' Upon this fact the respondents briefly enlarge, entreating attention to it, and close with the hope that 'their brethren of the West, with regard to slavery and slaveholders, may be "above fear and above reproach."' To make such a temperate and friendly appeal the object of ridicule, may be and easy thing for some minds; but even they must have sorely felt the strait they were in, before they could consent to the humiliation. In allusion ot the subjects just mentioned, Mr. Estlin wrote, in September, 1847- 'Many thanks for the Christian Register and World, and the other papers which gave me so lively an impression of the feeling that exists among Unitarians at Boston. The manner in which the Christian Register has dealt with my letter to Mr. Tagart (if general among your editors) would lead me to suppose that a different standard of morals, or a different mode of interpreting language, exists among you, from what is recognized here. It would not be considered very honorable, nor quite honest in an editor-especially of a religious paper,-to characterize my letter to Mr. T. as containing 'offensive personalities,' and, while professing to omit such improper parts of the communication, to leave out chiefly or only those which speak respectfully of America. Perhaps, however, the editor interprets as 'offensive personalities,' all references to persons upon subjects no agreeable to them.' More than fifteen hundred signatures were appended to the above-named Reply, but among them were not included (with a few honorable exceptions,) the names of the ‘ influential ‘ and ‘leading’ ministers of the denomination in Great Britain. When, indeed, was it ever known, or where, that this class of men came to the help of any great movement for truth, freedom, justice? ‘ Have any of the rulers believed on him?' was sneeringly asked concerning Jesus ; and his cause, renewing itself in every age, meets with the self-same measure of supercilious indifference, or timid neglect, from the wise men and scribes and teachers of vain philosophies ‘ Our move,’ writes Mr. Estlin, ‘ has occasioned much dissatisfaction among the influential part of the Unitarian body. I suspect my fanaticism has surprised some who considered me an old-school conservative, and once gave me credit for common sense and safe judgment.’ But, he adds, ‘If among the ministers we have met with repulse and censure from some, others, with warm and wise feeling, have sympathized with and encouraged us. Blessed they who are willing to be of ‘ no reputation’ righteousness’ sake. In October 1847, he says: Imagine I needed information of Mr. Garrison’s tour to the West. I saw too much of him, while here, not to feel a personal interest in him. My daughter, Miss P ——, and myself traced his route on our maps, and thought and talked of him on the days when the programme of his proceedings, in the Liberator, enabled us to know where he was.’ In January, 1848, he says, ‘As I am now writing, the tables are covered with pictures, &c., preparations making by ——, and —— , for next year’s Boston Bazaar! No day, not many hours in any day, pass here, in which your cause is not thought of, talked of, and worked for.’ During the whole struggle in France, and other European countries, against their oppressive governments, Mr. Estlin’s mind was deeply interested, and his letters abound in valuable suggestions. From the first, he doubted if France would be able to maintain a republic, or if her people were fitted for it, and expected a return to monarchy there. In October, 1848, he writes, ‘We have attacked some ‘ Free Church of Scotland ‘ deputies, to Bristol to ask for money, upon their union with slaveholders, and advised them to 'send back the money'. The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass having been, at about this time, translated into French by Miss Parkes of Bristol, its publication at Paris was secured by Mr. Etsin, who with the aid of a few friends advanced the sum required by the publisher. The case of Messrs. Drayton and Sayres, imprisoned at Washington for the crime of endeavoring to give liberty to seventy victims of American Despotism, deeply interested Mr. Estlin's thought and feelings, and he sent a contribution to the fund raised for their aid and defence. In the autumn of 1848, he attended a public religious meeting at Exeter, Devonshire, and being invited to speak on the subject of Christian Philanthropy, did so, dwelling especially upon American Slavery ;—after remarking that some of the most eminent of their ministers [in England] had not paid the subject the attention it deserved and were behind their flocks,— -he particularly noticed Rev. J. Martineau’s opinion that slaveholding was not an ‘ individual sin,’ that it was ‘ the misfortune of the individual, the crime of the State.' Many an uneducated, simple-minded layman, said Mr. E., could enlighten Mr. Martineau's understanding, and (he hoped) could warm his heart, on this subject, and asked if the slaveholders could wish a better ally. January, 1849. ‘I do not see my way clear to sign the Petition to Parliament, asking for increased duties on slave-grown sugars. I am doubtful how far the principle is a correct one to fetter free-trade, and prevent our large masses of poor people from having cheap sugar, by imposing protective duties for the purpose of opposing Slavery, in one direction only, leaving it uncontrolled in a far wider sphere. I look upon free-trade as an instrumentality in upsetting slavery eventually. Still I throw no obstacles in the way of those who think differently on this matter, or who may be disposed by any view of it, to pay attention to the subject.’ This view was afterwards very generally adopted, I believe, not by political economist merely, but by the great proportion of intelligent Anti-Slavery people throughout the kingdom. Reference has aldready been made to Mr. Estlin’s religious character and reverential spirit. These were sometimes sorely tried and offended, by articles appearing in the Liberator ; and, before he fully understood the grounds of freedom, toleration, and respect for the convictions of all truth-seeking minds, upon which that paper is conducted, he was disposed at times to censure its editor for the admission of such articles. This was probably the severest test to which his love of freedom, and of the Anti-Slavery cause, could be put. It nobly stood the trial. Some direct correspondence (I think) took place between him and Mr. Garrison, upon this subject, and he became fully convinced that more greater evils had resulted, and would continue to result, from interdicting freedom of thought and discussion, than ever could arise from the largest liberty, especially in cases where a conscientious regard for Truth and Right sat at the helm. In January, 1849, alluding to one or two pieces which had then recently appeared in the Liberator, he said, ‘Some of the language in reference to the Deity lately published in the Liberator, is [[column 2]] coarse and offensive. Be assured I speak of this in sorrow, not in anger.’ In October, of same year, he writes, ‘The artice, ‘Kossuth and Jesus,’ much interested me. If all the ‘infidels’ in the world were such as Mr. Garrison, we should at least have a Christian world, if not a theological one.’ Speaking of a visit made to Bristol at this time, by Mrs. Follen and Miss Cabot, he says, ‘I went with them to the Blind Asylum, and great was the delight of the girls to see and to talk to ladies who had actually sold their basket-work at Boston. Mrs. Follen spoke most pleasantly to them, and left a strong impression on’—M. [[horizontal line]] FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. The daily press of Boston, (with three-quarters of an exception,) has so long been closed to any strong and decided expression of opinion against slavery, and its co-operative agencies existing in this city, that censorship of the press so far has advanced from being customary to seem normal and proper. But the open attempt to obstruct the free expression of opinion in matters purely literary is somewhat novel, and shows a rare combination of ignorance and impudence, cool enough for the latter part of November, and in this sense seasonable, though by no means satisfactory. In the article copied below from the Traveller, our readers will find an appropriate reception of the attempt made by Messrs Ticknor and Fields to bully the editors of that paper for expressing an unfavorable opinion of a book sent to them for editorial notice. We fear that Mr. Longfellow will be much more annoyed than amused by this undertaking of his publishers to extort favorable notices of his poems from the press, but we have seldom seen a richer specimen of that blundering which distinguished authority has pronounced worse than crime. ‘ATTEMPT TO COERCE THE PRESS.- Amidst the anxieties and cares of public journalism, not the least is the fact that, in the faithful discharge of duty, occasions arise in which it becomes necessary to make statements or propound opinions which are sure to be more or less distasteful to individuals. Thorny always is the path of opposition, and so far as personal considerations are concerned, nothing would be more agreeable than to say a good word of everything and everybody. But, however it may happen to be with publishers, no such flowery path is spread for the honest, independent and conscientious editor. In its highest sense a newspaper should be, not only the leader of public opinion, but the conservator of public morals, and the exponent and director of public taste. Gentlemen are very fond of toasting, “ the freedom of the press,” when it is confinded to an abstract and safe sentimentality, but they are apt to grow very testy when that press is compelled, in the discharge of its high functions, to disturb their cherished crotchets, or take any step which may apparently interfere with their self-interest. Some there are who appear to entertain the vulgar notion that a newspaper should be nothing but a mere advertising sheet, and that its highest office is to “puff” the goods which tradesmen find it for their interest to bring before the public in its pages. Out upon the thought ! It would indeed be a melancholy day for the world, if the engine now so potent for good should ever sink into such fathomless degradation. Happily there is no danger of such an evil. The public too well appreciate the value of an independent, high-toned newspaper. The appreciation ensures for such a print an extensive circulation ; that extensive circulation renders it the interest of parties to advertise in its columns ; and this again enables its conductors to take entirely independent ground on all questions of public interest. We have been led into these remarks by the receipt ofa letter, which, unwilling as we are to speak of personal concerns, we feel it but an act of justice to ourselves to lay before the public. Among the departments of the ‘ Traveller’ to which we have sought to give special prominence and excellence, is one devoted to notices of new publications issuing from the press; and we have the satisfaction of knowing that this is a feature of our paper which the general public regard as of ordinary value. In the execution of this delicate and responsible task, we have ever sought to be kindly in our criticisms, and if we have erred at all, we have erred in being the very reverse of severe and unjust ;every work of any value has received our hearty commendation. In the discharge of this duty, we have known neither author nor «publisher, and have been actuated only by the motives—ﬁrst, of fostering the diffusion of a healthy literature, creditable to our national pride ; and secondly, of placing our readers in the possession of the true merits or demerits of every new work of any consequence issuing from the press. On Tuesday last, it became our duty to notice the publication of the new poem by Longfellow, which has been looked forward to with so much interest, his ‘ Song of Hiawatha,’ and we thus candidly gave our impression : “Longfellow is regarded as one of our best native poets ; and we do not wonder, therefore, at the interest with which the publication of this latest effort of his muse has been anticipated. The Song of Hiawatha is founded on, &c. * * * * The poem is in a very curious measure; the language sweet ; the style almost startling from its simplicity; and the imagery, taken from natural objects, if not always beautiful, appropriate. or sublime, is always truly Indian. We cannot deny that the spirit of poesy breathes throughout the work. But as Scott to some extent deserved that bitter sneer of having wasted his higher powers, which might have done so much for humanity, in singing ‘ the slogan of a Border feud,’—so in like manner we cannot but express a. regret that our own pet national poet should not have selected as the theme of his muse, something higher and better than the silly legends of the savage aborigines. His poem does not awaken one single sympathetic throb ; it does not teach a single truth ; and rendered into prose, Hiawatha would he a mass of the most childish nonsense that ever dropped from human pen. In verse, it contains nothing so precious as the golden time which will be lost in the reading of it.” We feel conﬁdent that the justice of our criticism will he at least secretly acknowledged by all whose opinion is of value- ; but admitting, for the sake of argument, that we are utterly wrong; we honestly think otherwise ; and we claim the right, one which we shall never relinquish nor fail to exercise, to state exactly what we think. But this right, one Boston book publisher seems disposed to question, for, on the morning after the criticism appeared, we were favored, post-haste, with the following extraordinary epistle :— “ DEAR SIRS—From the above extract from a notice of one of our publications in this evening’s Traveller, we presume your Editors care very little for our personal feelings as publishers, or our friendly regard anyway. So marked and complete a depreciation of our book is, to say the least, uncalled for. You will please send in your bill of charges against us, and in future we will not trouble you with our publications or the advertisements of them. You will please also stop the paper. Respectfully, TICKNOR & FIELDS.” Tuesday evening. Nov. 13. The way in which Messrs. Ticknor & Fields obtrude themselves between an author and his work, to save the latter from an honest criticism, is so absurd as to call for no comment; it is sufficient to point it out. But they may deceive themselves if they hope to defeat criticism by withholding their publications from us, as they propose to do. We shall ﬁnd no difficulty probably in procuring copies of such of their works as may be worthy of criticism.’ Political economists tell us that demand always ensures supply. The following letter, which was picked up between 135 Washington street and somewhere else, seems to show that a critic of the sort required is on hand, and ready for action. We intrust it (in conﬁdence) to our readers, begging that any one of them who happens to be passing by the foot of School street will step in and deliver it, as directed. To MESSR. TICKNOR AND FIELDS. (Private) RESPECTED SIRS,—We are about to commence the publication of a literary journal, to be called ‘ The Echo ’ ; with a motto embodying Mr. Hillard’s ﬁne sen- timent about having due regard to ‘the hand that feeds us.’ We respectfully solicit your patronage by sub- scription and advertising; and we shall endeavor to give critical notices satisfactory to you, of any books which you may do us the honor to send, especially your own publications. In regard to these lost, any suggestions which you may make as to the extracts to be copied, and the style and energy of the praise to be bestowed, will be carefully attended to. With the highest. esteem, we desire to be Iiterally Your obedient servants, MEEK & SLEEK. Nov. 20th, 1855. [[line]] [[image – hand with finger pointing to the right]] Residents in Michigan can obtain the Tracts of The American Anti-Slavery Society by applying to JACOB WALTON, Adrian. Those living in Northern and Central Ohio should apply to J. MGMILLAN, Salem, Columbiana Co., Ohio. Those farther West can apply to either of the above persons, or can send direct to the Anti-Slavery Offices, 138 Nassau St., New York, or 21 Cornhill, Boston. [[/column 2]] [[column 3]] MORE SOUTHERN VAPORING. Gov. Wiston, of Alabama, in his recent message, remarks as follows on the slavery issue :— ‘ The continued and violent agitation of slavery by the people of the non-slaveholding States exhibits at settled purpose on their part, led on by tho bigoted fanatic and the scheming politician, to permit the south the enjoyment of no peace in the Union, until, aroused by the spirit of freemen, we will have them know we have borne with their aggressions until longer submission to wrong and insult is no longer endurable. The union of these States is only to be preserved by a faithful observance of the terms of the compact, as agreed upon in the Constitution ; and the sooner the aggressor is made to understand such to be our conclusion, the more likely is the Union to last. So long as the Union is calculated to effect the great objects which it was established to accomplish, it should be sustained. But when the government, under the control of o. reckless majority, ceases to protect, and becomes on object of oppression, it will have failed in the purpose of its creation, and will no longer be a proper object of respect or veneration.’ The Governor argues, as the only corrective of these outrages, to union of the whole south ; that it has the men, the means and all resources in profusion to enable us to maintain both political and commercial independence of the north— and which section, from the ruin and bankruptcy which must accrue to its interests, would soon be brought to reason. ‘ For myself, (says the Governor,') I have long been convinced that the day for compromises and appeals to northern forbearance had passed, and that our safety depended on a sterner and more manly course, resolving, as heretofore, to ask for nothing but what is right, and determined to submit to no further wrong.’ [[line]] IS THIS TRUE ? A correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, writing from Pittsburgh, gives the public some statements which are of a startling character, and which, if true, ought to rouse the people of Pennsylvania and the entire Union to a sense of their degradation and danger. In speaking of the Passmore Williamson case, the writer says : ‘ When the case was argued last Summer in Bedford, on the motion to bring Williamson out on a writ of habeas corpus, three of the Judges (Messrs. Lowrie, Woodward and Knox) were in favor of granting the writ, and "two (Messrs. Black and Lewis) opposed to it. When the Court re-assembled in Philadelphia, Judge Kane and his friends had an interview with our Judges, and communicated to them the fact, that the President had ordered the United States Marshal, in case the Cour should direct the writ to issue, to remove Williamson: from Moyamensing to a United States receiving ship, and defend him there with United States marines and soldiers. against any force the State might send to take him. The question presented to our Judges was, whether it was prudent to risk the threatened collision ? I am sorry to say that they thought it was not. They had not the nerve to stand up for State Rights. Judges Lowrie and Woodward changed their opinions, and the writ of habeas corpus was not issued. The threat (for it was threat.) should have been an incentive to its issue instead of’ the pusillanimous course adopted; for the question of State Rights has got to he settled, and this was the opportunity needed.‘ [[line]] IMPORTANT ACTION. We learn from the Chicago Tribune the following recent facts in relation to the Glover rescue case, with the details of which our readers are familiar: "There were two indictments-one against Booth, the escape of the fugitive slave Glover. The defendants were tried upon these indictments before the United States District court of Wisconsin, convicted, and imprisoned." "The prisoners were brought before the Supreme court of Wisconsin, upon a writ of habeas corpus, and were by the court discharged." "Since then, a writ of error has been issued by the Supreme Court of the United States to the Supreme court of the State of Wisconsin. We learn the Supreme court of the State of Wisconsin utterly denies the appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States in such a case." "This is a direct and palpable test of the relative rights and powers of the State and Federal governments respectively." "Of the result we do not entertain a doubt. We owe to the Supreme court of Wisconsin the respect and reverence due to a judicial tribunal which has had the courage to a avow, and will have the virtue to maintain, the fundamental principles of the State Rights and Personal Liberty." [[line]] BOLD PREACHING IN WASHINGTON. From time to time, and by various rumour, we have learned something of the bold preaching of the Rev. Mr. Conway, at Washington. He is still a young man, a Virginian hybrith, connected with persons of social and official enlinence in the slave States, and now occupies the Unitarian pulpit at the national capital, which in times past was occupied by Mr. Sparks and Dr. Dewey. Some of his sermons have been lately published by messrs. Taylor & Maury, booksellers at Washington, whose love of the union is unquestionable. In one of these sermons he boldly proclaims that 'manual labor is degraded by evil institutions and social prejudices,' and then exclaims, 'Oh man! you are one with your fellow-man; what degrades him, degrades you.' In another sermon, the young preacher turns from the supporters of slavery at the South, to rebuke us at the North. After saying that the Southern people do not hold slaves in full consciousness of committing a sin in so doing, he justly adds, that men are responsible only for living up to the light they have, and in no wise for that which they have not. He then proceeds: ' If any pestilence were sent as a special judgement on account ofr such a thing, (slavery,) rather would it be sent on that other section, who, educated in other views, every one believing slavery a moral sin, have constantly committed themselves to it, and bowed the knee in Church and State to what they knew to be a false god.'--Transcript. [[line] CONCORD, N.G. Nov. 14. The Democratic convention met to-day, Hon. Henry Hibbard, President. Hon. John S. Wells, of Exeter, was nominated for Governor, and a series fo resolutions repudiating Know Nothingism, the Maine Law, in favor of Popular Sovereignty, approving of the administration policy in all its details, and recommending Hon. Franklin Pierce as the candidate for the next Presidency, were adopted with great unamimity. Nearly every town in the State was represented. [[line]] BOSTON, Nov. 13. STATE CONVENTION OF SABBATH SCHOOL TEACHERS. A State Convention of Sabbath School Teachers of the several Evangelical denominations is in session here, and well attended. Addresses were made durign the day and this evening, by Rev. Messrs. Adams, Kirk, Vinton, Storrs, and others. Rev. Dr. Adams was chosen Chairman of a Committee to prepare an address on the subject of Sabbath Schools, and another Committee was appointmed to organize the Association thoroughly, for the purpose of diffusing information concerning the progress of Sabbath Schools throughout the State. [[line]] The State Journal well says :— ‘ It is national to shoot, tar and feather, and hang free men, who exercise the right of free speech in Kansas,—sectional to complain. It is national to buy, steal or seize slave Cuba, but sectional to reject the proffers of the free annexation of countries like onduras or the Sandwich Islands. It is national for a free citizen of Boston to be driven from South Carolina, because he desires to present to the courts the case of an illegally imprisoned seaman. Sectional, if Passmore Williamson tells a slave at Philadelphia that she is free.’ [[line]] THANKSGIVING DAY. Come, uncles and cousins ; come nieces and aunts ; Come, nephews and brothers—-no won’ts and no cant’s ! Put business, and shopping, and school—books away- ; The year has rolled round— it is Thanksgiving Day. Come home from the college, ye ringlet-haired youth; Come home from your factories, Ann, Kate, and Ruth; From the anvil, the counter, the farm come away- Home, home with you, home !— it is Thanksgiving Day. The table is spread, and the dinner is dressed ; The cooks and the mothers have all done their best ; No caliph of Bagdad e’er saw such a display, Or dreamed of a treat like a Thanksgiving Day. Pies, puddings and custards, pigs, oysters, and nuts, Come forward and seize them, without if’s or but’s ; Bring none of your slim, little appetites here- Thanksgiving Day comes only once in a year. Now children revisit the darling old place ; Now brothers and sisters, long parted, embrace ; The family ring is united once more, And the same voices shout at the old cottage door. The grandfather smiles at the innocent mirth, And blesses the power that has guarded his hearth ; He remembers no trouble, he feels no decay, But thinks his whole life has been Thanksgiving Day. Then praise for the past and the present we sing, And trustful await whats the future may bring ; Let doubt and repining be banished away, And the whole of our lives be a Thanksgiving Day. Thanksgiving Day in Massashusetts occurs on Thursday next, Nov. 29th. [[/column 3]] [[column 4]] OUR COURSE COMMENDED. New YORK, Nov. 17, 1855. MY DEAR FRIEND GARRISON : I must try to express to you, however feehly, the delight I experience from reading your manly and timely letter to the Lecture Committee. It rings like the trumpet blast of the Warrior for God and Truth : it is the right word of fire at the right time. I thank you a thousand times for littering it, and I believe it will reach and stir other hearts than mine. Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. We cannot be too thankful to those faithful watchers, who, far in advance of the hosts, warn us of the coming peril. But what shall be said of an ANTI-SLAVERY Committee of Massachusetts men, so forgetful not only of consistency and self-respect, but of the honor of the dear old State, that they stoop to the humiliating folly of inviting that insolent braggart Toombs, to desecrate her soil by his polluting presence? To be sure, with burning, choking shame, I confess it, freedom has been struck down by her own children, the slave-driver as cracked his whip, and successfully plied his infernal trade within sound of Bunker Hill. Our own Curtises and Lorings, greedily sinking to a lower deep than Toombs or Mason could hope to reach, have aided the murderous deed ; but it need not, must not happen again. For God’s sake, let the ANTI-SLAVERY men of Massachusetts be MEN, and no longer ask or receive ‘favor’ from the enemies of liberty ! Let us have but one battle-cry—‘ Give me liberty, or give me death !’ F. S. C. [[line]] Extract of a letter from an esteemed friend of the slave in Providence, dated No 20, 1855:— ‘ Your friends here rejoice at your refusal to lecture in the Anti-Slavery course in Boston, to which are invited Hilliard, Toombs, Butler, and others. Your letter of denial to the Committee will do more good than half a dozen lectures could possibly do. JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS, (who has just lectured here,) was delighted with its tone and spirit, and highly approved the stand you have taken in this matter.’ [[line]] THE LONDON ANTI-S;AVERY ADVOCATE. This is a small monthly periodical, devoted to radical and uncompromising abolitionism. It is a gem. Its selections are made with good taste and most excellent judgment, and its original articles are interesting, able, and instructive. Its editor combines with a rare knowledge of human nature, a thorough appreciation of the true philosophy of moral reform, and an accurate knowledge of the Anti-Slavery movement in this country. We give in another column a leading article in the last number, entitled ' William Chambers,' which our readers will find quite worthy of their perusal. To any American abolitionists who desire a cheap and valuable English periodical, we heartily recommend the Advocate. It is a most valuable auxiliary of the American Anti-Slavery Society. -- [[italics]] Ohio Anti-Slavery Bugle. [[/italics]] From a personal inspection and reading of every number of the [[italics]] Advocate [[/italics]], since the commencement, we can and do entirely agree with every word of the [[italics]] Bugle's [[/italics]] commendation. And we would further say to our readers that this is a favorable time to subscribe, the fourth year of the paper having been just commenced. [[italics]] Seventy-five cents [[/italics]] per annum, which includes cost of posting it in England. Names may be sen to SAMUEL MAY, JR., 21 Cornhill. [[line]] [[pointing hand bullet point]] A box containing a large quantity of tracts was sent, about three weeks since, to Joel McMillan, Salem, Columbiana Co., Ohio. Have they been received? [[thick doublelined separator]] SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS [[italics]] To the American Anti-Slavery Society, in aid of the new series of Tracts. [[/italics]] [[2 column table]] Female Anti-Slavery Society, Weymouth, | $10 00 Mrs. Sibley, Chelsey, | 0 50 J. M. Flint, Randolph, Vt., by Wm. W. Brown, | 1 00 C.E.C., Detroit, Michigan, | 2 40 By J. A. Howland, Worcester : Samuel May, Jr., Leicester, | 5 00 Abraham Firth, do. | 2 00 S. Southgate, Jr., 50c., H G. Henshaw 25, do. | 0 75 Friend 25, F. O. Stiles 25, do. | 0 50 Maris Eastman, Worcester, | 0 50 Charles Bryant, Grafton, | 1 00 Friends, | 0 82 [[/2 column table]] FRANCIS JACKSON, [[italics]] Treasurer. [[/italics]] [[line]] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. The General Agent of THE LIBERATOR acknowledges to have received the following sums from subscribers in Great Britain and Ireland : -- 1855. Oct. 14. } From John R. Neill, Belfast, Ireland, $2 00 " Joshua Sharratt, Buckley, Eng., 1 76 " M. M. Monro, Esq., Enfield, do. 3 50 " D. McDonnell, Esq., London, do. 3 50 " Joseph Lupton, Esq., Leeds, do. 3 60 " S. Saunders. Bath, do. 3 00 " Rev. Dr. Jos. Hutton, Derby, do. 3 00 " John Mawson, Newcastle, do. 24 00 The above were remitted by R. D. Webb, of Dublin, Ireland. The following by Andrew Paton, of Glasgow, Scotland :- Oct. 19. From Mrs. E. P. Nichol, Glasgow, Scotland, 9 60 From J. G. Crawford,Glasgow, Scotland, 4 80 " Wm. Robertson, do. 2 40 " John Neilson, do. 3 00 " George Gemmill do. 3 00 " Andrew Renfrew, do. 3 00 " Andrew Paton, do. 3 00 " Alexander Hutchison,do. 3 00 " Athenaeum, do. 3 00 " Wm. Caird, Port Glasgow, Scot., 2 40 " James Anderson, Kirkcaldy, do. 2 40 Oct. 29. Miss Betsey Pratt, Carver, Mass., has left one dollar with R. F. Wallcut for fugitive slaves. THE ESSEX COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY will hold its next quarterly meeting in Manchester, on Saturday evening and through the day on Sunday, 1st and 2d December next. S. S. FOSTER, C. L. REMOND, and others will address the meeting. Per order, C. LENOX REMOND, President. N. B. The pro-slavery character of the Constitution, the present administration, Know-Nothing party and press, and the danger of the Anti-Slavery cause from these and kindred influences, will be thoroughly canvased and investigated. 'COLORED PATRIOTS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.' - This book is furnished to subscribers for one dollar ; to others, for one dollar and twenty-five cents - person abroad forwarding this amount will receive it, postage paid. WM. C. NELL. PLEASANT AND PROFITABLE EMPLOYMENT - In every town and village, for Men and Women, to sell our neat, cheap, and quick-selling books, and to canvas for our Popular Scientific Journals. All who engage with us will be secured from the possibility of loss. Profits, very liberal. Please address FOWLER AND WELLS, 808, Broadway, New York. OBITUARY Passed into the spirit world, on the evening of the 24th ult., in the 50th year of his age, AZALIAH SCHOOLEY, of the town of Waterloo, Seneca Co., N. Y. Few men are removed, the loss of whose society, in the quiet and unobtrusive walks of life, will be more deeply felt by relatives and friends, and the latter were many. To know him was to love him. In the relations of husband, father, friend and neighbor, his example was indeed beautiful. While firm to the true and right, his kind and gentle spirit subdued and conciliated their opposites, and won, almost universally, love and esteem. His philanthropy, as his religion, refused the limitations of sect or class. Man was his brother, and to the appeals of suffering humanity his heart responded. The elevation of universal man, his progressive development in intelligence and goodness, was a cherished object of his desires. Hence slavery and intemperance, and every social wrong and degrading vice, as antagonistic of this object, received his hearty condemnation. A firm believer in immortality, both from reflection and a careful attention to facts, many of them coming within his own observation and experience, the composure and cheerfulness with which he met a gradually declining state of health, and the sweet serenity of countenance which continued with him to the close, were truly instructive and delightful to contemplate. Consciousness remained to the end, and his close was quiet and gentle, as if breathing his spirit into the embraces of angel visitants in performance of a mission from the Infinite Parent. T.M. [[/column 4]] [[column 5]] LECTURES ON SLAVERY. This course of Lectures will be delivered in the TREMONT TEMPLE, at 7 1-2 o'clock, on THURSDAY EVENINGS, in the order indicated in the following list : Nov. 22 - Hon. HORACE MANN, of Ohio. JOHN G. WHITTIER, Esq. - Poem. Dec. 6 - Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe's Drama, Read by MRS. M. E. WEBB. Dec. 13 - Hon. JOSEPH M. ROOT, of Ohio. Dec. 20 - Hon. HENRY J. RAYMOND, of New York. Dec. 27 - Hon. LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. Jan. 3 - Hon. HENRY W. HILLIARD, of Ala. Jan. 24 - Hon. ROBERT TOOMBS, of Geo. Jan. 31 - Hon. HENRY B. STANTON, of New York. Feb. 7 - WENDELL PHILLIPS, Esq. Feb. 14 - Dr. WILLIAM ELDER, of Pa. Feb. 21 - Hon. JAMES BELL, of N. H. Mar. 6 - EDWIN P. WHIPPLE, Esq. PROBABLE SUBSTITUTES Hon. A. P. BUTLER, of S. C. Dr. WILLIAM A. SMITH, of Va. Rev. HENRY WARD BEECHER, of N. Y. Tickets at $3 each, admitting a Lady and Gentleman, can be obtained at Ticknor's, 135, and Jewett's, 117 Washington st. No Single Tickets will be sold. SAMUEL G. HOWE, Chairman Lecture Com. LECTURES TO LADIES ON ANATOMY, PHYSIOLOGY, AND HEALTH, at the New England Female Medical College. - The first of a Course of Eight familiar and practical Lectures, illustrated with the apparatus of the Institution, was given by WM. SYMINGTON BROWN, M. D., Professor of Anatomy and Physiology, on Wednesday, Oct. 21, at 3 o'clock, P. M., in the new Lecture Hall: the Course to be continued at the same hour and place on successive Wednesday afternoons. These Lectures are free to Nurses; and will be useful to them as preparatory to a Course to be given on the Care of the Sick and the Management of the Sickroom. Tickets for the Course, $1 ; single tickets, 15 cents ; to be had of the subscriber, at the College, 274 Washington street. Boston, Oct. 30, 1855. SALLIE HOLLEY, an Agent of the Mass. Anti-Slavery Society, will lecture as follows :- Providence, R. I., Sunday, Nov. 25. Pawtucket, " Tuesday, " 27. The New York Tribune, 1855--6. THE TRIBUNE is now in the middle of its fifteenth year; Vol. XV. of its weekly issue commenced on the first of September last. The American public need not now be made acquainted with its character or claims to consideration. With but a subordinate regard for prudence, policy or popularity, it has aimed to stand for Righteousness, for Truth, for Humanity, against fortified Iniquity, Fraud and Oppression. There is not a slave-trader on this Continent, though he may never read anything but his bills of sale and notes payable, who does not know and hate THE TRIBUNE; there is not an extensive fabricator of drugged and poisonous Liquors who does not consider it a very dangerous and immoral paper, and wonder why its publication is tolerated in a commercial, cotton-buying City like New-York. THE NEWARK MERCURY once forcibly remarked that it had never known a hard, griping, screwing, avaricious employer who was not hostile to THE TRIBUNE, nor one eminently generous and kindly who did not like it. Prompt and plain-spoken in its denunciations of iniquity and abuses of power, while claiming no exemption from human fallibility, it may have done temporary injustice to individuals, but it has never been unfaithful to Principle, nor deaf to the cries of the wronged and suffering. In its columns the advocates of novel and unpopular theories contemplating the melioration of human woes, especially those of the voiceless and downtrodden, have ever found audience and hospitality; while it has ardently resisted, and will persistently combat, every attempt to proscribe and degrade any class because of diversities of Nativity, Creed or Color. In defiance of calumnies the most atrocious, and of hostilities the most deadly and untiring, THE TRIBUNE has grown steadily in public appreciation from the day of its origin. Its means of serving the public have been augmented in proportion. Instead of a single editor, with one or two assistants, its organization now comprises a numerous body of writers, each fitted by special accomplishment and experience for the particular line of discussion to which his pen is devoted; the daily amount of reading matter given more than quadruples that of its earliest issues; a staff of valued correspondents encircles the globe, transmitting early and intelligent narrations of whatever is most worthy of attention; while Politics, Legislation, Literature, Art, History - in short, whatever affects the social well-being of mankind, Polemic Theology alone excepted - finds here the freest and most searching discussion. Attached by profound conviction to the beneficent policy of Industrial development and Internal Intercommunication, whose most conspicuous champion through the last Half-Century was HENRY CLAY - imbued, moreover, with that spirit of forbearance toward out weaker neighbors and toward the much wronged Aborigines of this Continent, and of Peace with All, which will hallow the name of Whig, THE TRIBUNE, while surrendering no jot of its proper independence, co-operated earnestly and ardently with the Whig party so long as its vitality was preserved. When in 1850-2 an attempt was made to interpolate slave-hunting into its creed, we sternly resisted that imposition; when, at the close of the last Presidential canvass, it was seen that a large portion of the Whigs preferred to defeat their own party rather than allow its Anti-Slavery wing to share its triumph, eve under a conservative Chief on a Pro-Slavery platform, we knew and proclaimed that the Whig party was no more. Subsequent events, including the rise and culmination of the Know-Nothing conspiracy, and the speedy absorption therein of the whole force of Pro-Slavery Whigism, only confirmed our undoubting anticipations. With no sickly lamentations, therefore, for the inevitable by-gone, but with hope, and joy, and sympathy, and words of cheer, have we hailed the beginning and watched the progress of that mighty REPUBLICAN movement, which, impelled by the perfidious violation of the Missouri Compact, and stimulated by the astounding outrages whereof the rights of the Free Settlers of Kansas have been the victims - by the repeated and utter vitiation of their elections by an armed mob collected by conspiracy, and hurled suddenly upon them from the border counties of the neighboring Slave State, is destined to sweep away the land-marks of old party feuds, and unite the true hearts and strong arms of the free-souled in one mighty effort to confine the scourge and scandal of our country within the limits of the States which unwisely uphold it, To the success of this effort, the energies of THE TRIBUNE will be sternly devoted; with the TEMPERANCE REFORM, including the entire suppression of the Traffic in Intoxicating Beverages, will find in it, as hitherto, an earnest and unflinching champion. Commencing as a daily folio sheet of moderate size, and with scarcely a shadow of patronage, THE TRIBUNE is now issued in quarto form DAILY (three distinct editions), SEMI-WEEKLY and WEEKLY, on a sheet 44 by 34 inches, eight ample pages of six columns each. Its circulation has steadily grown from nothing to the following aggregates: Daily issues (evening and morning) 29,500 copies. Semi-Weekly, 14,175 " Weekly, 136,500 " California edition, 6,000 " Total, 186,175 copies. We believe no other newspaper in the world has a subscription list over half so large as this; and no periodical of any sort can rival it. And while its extreme cheapness rendering an increase of paying readers only an indirect pecuniary advantage to us, has doubtless largely swelled its subscription list, it would be absurdity not to perceive in this unprecedented patronage some evidence of public approval and esteem. TERMS. THE TRIBUNE employs no travelling agents, and sends out no papers on trust. If it is not stopped when the term paid for expires, and the subscriber does not choose further to pay for it, we resort to no legal process to compel him. On the Weekly, we mean to stop every paper on the expiration of the advance payment, awaiting a fresh remittance from the subscriber. If none comes, the account is closed. We pay no local agents; wish no money paid to any when the payer cannot trust him to mail or otherwise send it to us; once mailed, its safety is at our risk, (and a serious risk it often proves); but are grateful to every one who deems it a good work to obtain and forward the names and money of his friends and neighbors. Our terms invariably are - for the DAILY TRIBUNE, $6 per annum. SEMI-WEEKLY, $3; two copies for $5; five for $11,25. WEEKLY,$2; three copies for $5, five copies for $8; ten copies for $12; twenty copies TO ONE ADDRESS for $20; larger clubs, $1 each subscriber. Additions may at all times be made to a club at the price paid by those already in it. GREELEY & McELRATH. No. 154 Nassau st., New-York. J. B. YERRINTON & SON, PRINTERS, 21 CORNHILL.........................BOSTON. [[/column 5]] [[column 6]] Anti-Slavery Men and Women! SHALL we have your hearty cooperation in our efforts to place in the hands of every intelligent reader, these two books? - I. The North-Side View of Slavery, The Canadian Refugees' Own Narratives. BY BENJ. DREW. II. An Inside View of Slavery, -OR- A TOUR AMONG THE PLANTERS BY DR. C. G. PARSONS. It should be borne in mind, that these volumes are not works of fiction, or stories of the imagination, but true records of what these intelligent travellers saw with their own eyes, and heard with their own ears; and we challenge the world to disprove the truth of their averments. Mr. DREW went to Canada, and travelled from town to town, from cabin to cabin, and took down the statements which fell from the lips of the Refugees; and he has given them to the world, nearly verbatim, in this soul-stirring volume. MEN AND WOMEN OF AMERICA! you may learn much, if you will, from these THIRTY THOUSAND CANADIAN SLAVES. They can take you behind the curtain, and tell you of the practical workings of the slave sytem, - that beautiful, Christian, Democratic institution of America, which finds so many apologists and defenders. They can tell you of the sufferings, toils, privations and perils which they endured and suffered, in effecting their escape from the land of bondage; and they will speak to you of their present prospects and hopes, in their undisturbed Canadian homes. THE INSIDE VIEW, by Dr. PARSONS, Is a most graphic description of what he saw and heard of the workings of the 'patriarchal institution,' during a two years' sojourn among the planters of the extreme South, - these modern Abrahams, Isaacs and Jacobs. But few have had such opportunities for close observation as Dr. Parsons. He penetrated where, perhaps, no other Northern man had ever preceded him, and saw in detail, and in extensor, from day to day, and from week to week, sights well calculated to arouse the hidden fire of a freeman's heart. FREEMEN OF AMERICA! Read and circulate these books! We want ONE THOUSAND AGENTS, to canvas the entire North with these arguments for Freedom. Scatter them broadcast! JOHN P. JEWETT & CO., PUBLISHERS, BOSTON. P. S. One dollar is the price of each book, for which sum they will be sent by mail to any address. N16 6wis PHILLIPS, SAMPSON & Co. HAVE JUST PUBLISHED, I. CASTE, A Story of Republican Equality, BY SYDNEY A. STORY, JR. In one large vol. 12 mo.540 pp. Price,$1.25 THIS powerful Anti-Slavery Novel will awaken the attention of the public to a NEW PHASE of the GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY. To those who would be repelled by a tale of wrongs and atrocities, however true they might be, the Publishers desire to say, that this is in the best sense a Novel - a love story, if the reader pleases - relating to the fortunes of persons belonging to the PRIVILEGED CLASS. The condition of the Southern Slave is not the theme of the book. It is true, the author has written with a purpose, but it does not lie upon the surface; and the reflective reader will find that its force falls quite as much upon Northern as upon Southern society. The Publishers do not wish to give any hint of the UNIQUE PLOT of the Novel; preferring that the thousands of readers should enjoy the pleasures of its surprises for themselves. II. MODERN PILGRIMS: Showing the Improvements in Travel, and the Newest Methods of reaching the Celestial City. BY GEORGE WOOD, AUTHOR OF 'PETER SCHLEMIHL IN AMERICA.' In two vols. 12 mo. Price, $1.75. THE idea of this work was suggested to the author by the inimitable "Celestial Railroad" of Hawthorne. But in the application of the idea to the religious societies of modern times, the author is indebted to no one. It is a continuous story of the Pilgrimage of some cultivated and piously disposed people, in which they visit in turn various cities, castles and hotels, representing the leading religious denominations. But no description can do the work justice. It is full of trenchant satire upon life, manners, and opinions; and at the same time, it has much of pathos which cannot but awaken sympathy. This work will make a sensation in the religious world. It is proper to add, that the author takes the same stand-point with honest John Bunyan. PHILLIPS, SAMPSON & CO., PUBLISHERS, 13 WINTER STREET, BOSTON. THE RAG PICKER: Or, Bound and Free. 12 mo. 430pp. Price $1 25. 'We have read this work, which claims to be a record of facts by an eye and ear witness, with thrilling interest, at a single sitting. It deserves to be placed in the same category with 'Uncle Tom's Cabin,' though not so exclusively devoted to delineations of the slave system at the South. What higher panegyric can we bestow upon it?' - Boston Liberator. 'We have no clue to the authorship of this remarkable story, which, whether a pure fiction, or, as it purports to be, a record of facts, cannot but become a work of no inconsiderable note.' - Boston Atlas. For sale by booksellers generally. Published by MASON BROTHERS, Oct. 19. 3t NEW YORK. COLORED PATRIOTS OF THE American Revolution, WITH SKETCHES OF SEVERAL DISTINGUISHED COLORED PERSONS; To which is added a brief survey of the Condition and Prospects of Colored Americans. BY WM. C. NELL. WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY H. B. STOWE. Just published, and for sale at the Anti-Slavery Office, 21 Cornhill. Price, $1.25. Worcester Hydropathic Institution. THE Proprietors of this Institution aim to make it a comfortable home for invalids at all seasons. The location is elevated and healthy, yet easy of access from all parts of the city. For particulars, address S. ROGERS, M. D., or E. F. ROGERS, Sup't, Worcester, Mass. Worcester, April 13. Portrait of Andrew Jackson Davis. JUST published, a superior large size Lithograph of this great reformer, executed by Grozelier, in the highest style of the art, and pronounced by him to be one of the best pictures he has ever made. Price $1. The usual discount to the trade. Persons at a distance can have them forwarded by mail in perfect order, by enclosing nine cents, or three postage stamps, in the order. For sale by BELA MARSH, 15 Franklin street, and Dr. H. F. GARDNER, Fountain House, Boston. REMOVAL. THAXTER & BROTHER, Opticians, (successors to John Pierce,) have removed to 189 WASHINGTON STREET, Two doors south of School st. October 19. tf