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104  THE LIBERATOR.  JUNE 27.
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POETRY.
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For the Liberator.
LISTEN BROTHERS!

Listen, brothers! solemn voices come upon the Summer gale;
Long unheeded have their echoes floated over hill and dale;
From the rice-swamp, damp and dreary, from the slave-mart's scourge and chains,
Where the cotton-fields are whitening on the sunny Southern plains.

From that city, where a mother, in her anguish, deep and wild,
Through Death's dark and lonely portals purchased freedom for her child;
Knowing that no earthly master claims the tenant of the grave, 
And 'twere better there to slumber, than awake to be a SLAVE!

From the fair green vales of Kansas, where above each martyr's grave,
In the bloom of summer beauty, prairie-flowers and wild-grass wave;
From the tombs of BROWN and BARBER earnest voices seem to call--
Brothers, heed that solemn warning, ere on you the doom shall fail!

And again a voice prophetic from the Senate halls we hear!
Shall its tones be still unheeded? Can we see no cause for fear?
Look upon the noble SUMNER -- Genius' gifted, high-souled son --
He whose words of lofty daring Fame's bright wreath had surely won.

Read his words, all bright and glowing, from his earnest, manly heart!
See the veil that shrouded falsehood, falling at his touch apart!
See our champion, pale and stricken by th' assassin's coward hand!
Shall such outrage be unheeded by the freemen of our land?

If for Truth and Right no longer may Humanity dare plead, 
And free thought and speech be measured by the politician's creed;
If for truths most bravely spoken, manhood thus is stricken down, 
And our halls of legislation are the ruffian's fitting home;--

If our country's laws protect not from the murderous hand her son;
If our boasted Constitution thus is scorned and trampled on;
If our North-land, bound and fettered, still must wear the tyrant's chain,
And 'tis treason e'en to murmur, or of insult to complain;--

Let us march in sad procession to old Bunker's heights of fame,
And bear hence the granite pillar which will only tell our shame!
O'er the grave where rests our WARREN, never let its shadow fall,
And all glorious memories bury 'neath Oblivion's shrouding pall!

On the storied plains of Concord, o'er the turf-mounds green and low,
Chant the requiem of lost honor--chant it mournfully and slow;
Let New England's rocky hill-sides echo back the bloodhound's cry,
And the wail of hunted bondmen rise in hopeless agony!

But shall we thus basely falter? Shall we not yet bide our time--
Keeping still our vow unbroken, never to join hands with crime?
With a calm, unwavering courage, and a purpose strong and high,
Let us live as honored freemen, fearing not for truth to die!
On fair Freedom's sacred altar let all party strifes be laid;
Let us say unto Oppression, 'Here shall thy proud waves be stayed'!

Barre, June 1856.   CARRIE.

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From the New York Evening Post.

PRESTON S. BROOKS.

MESSRS. EDITORS: I see by your last paper, that numerous citizens of South Carolina are subscribing to a testimonial for Mr. Brooks.  This testimonial, I suppose, will be presented at a public meeting, and speeches will be delivered, celebrating the deed of this favorite son of the South.  As music will not be inappropriate on such an occasion, may I humbly submit the following ode?   A.B.

Children of the sunny South,
Brothers, gathered here to-day,
Let us to exalted worth
Our glad meed of homage pay!
Let us sing of Brook's might,
How he laid his foeman low;
Let our joyful hearts on him
All our gratitude bestow.
Carolina's noblest son!
Mirror of her chivalry!
All the trophies she e'er won,
Now have been eclipsed by thee!

See him raise his valiant arm
In the nation's Senate halls!
On the unsuspecting foe
Swift the heavy bludgeon falls!
Thus on Carolina's foes
Retribution ever wait;
Thus may all her 'gallant' sons
Her proud honor vindicate!

Shade of him whose name we bear!*
Pride of Valor's royal line!
May thy spirit, hov'ring o'er,
Shed its influence benign!
Still her godsires' virtues live
In the old Palmetto State;
We, thy godsons, gather here 
Acts like them to celebrate.

Not in silly deeds of war
Was thy manly prowess shown;
Thou, in darkness of the night,
Struck'st the base 'fanatic' down!
Lit by thee, the faggot's blaze
Flickered on the waves of Seine-
Carolinian! when shall we
Light that holy flame again?

When to his just doom consign,
Him who prates of freedom here?
Fitting holocaust to thee,
Sainted King, whom we revere!
What though History's iron hand 
Brand him with the mark of shame?
Brothers! let us ne'er forget 
That we bear his honored name.

Be his weapons, dirk and torch,
On our own escutcheon blazed;
Emblems of the war we wage
When the cry of freedom's raised!
Logic! rhetoric! what are these?
Not for us the wordy strife!
Arguments are for the slave;
Ours the bludgeon and the knife!

Peril not thy precious life!
Prudence still should guide the blow;
When thy foeman's back is turned,
Let thy weapon lay him low.
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When he dares to raise his voice
'Gainst thee, let the traitor find
Speedy vengeance at thy hand;
Smite him boldly--from behind!

Honor's laws! pshaw! why should we
Trammel with such senseless rules,
Scions of a noble stock?
Leave them all to Northern fools!
Who shall fix the coward's name,
Carolina! on her son?
Offspring of a generous soil,
Spurn the lying lexicon!

All the virtues we proclaim
Centre, 'gallant' Brooks, in thee:
Deathless honor to thy name,
Flower of our chivalry!
While great Charles's spirit lives
In the land that he baptized,
Be thy gentle courtesy,
Be thy manly valor prized!
Carolina's noblest son!
Mirror of her chivalry,
All the trophies she e'er won,
Now have been eclipsed by thee!

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* Everybody knows that South Carolina derives its name from King Charles IX of France, who was connected with a 'painful occurrence' that took place on St. Bartholomew's day.

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THE LIBERATOR.
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RHODE ISLAND CONSOCIATION.
PROVIDENCE, June 15, 1856.

The annual meeting of the Rhode Island Consociation (Orthodox Congregationalists,) was held in the Central Church in this city last week, and during the three days' session, the slavery question occupied full two-thirds of the time.  Rev. Mr. Wolcott, of the High Street Church, I rejoice to tell you, carried his point.  Well, it is time, for he began it three years ago!  You know what it is.  THE LIBERATOR contained a sketch of the progress that was made at the annual meeting, June, 1855, when the point aimed at was lost by a majority of one.  Rev. Thomas Williams, now called Father Williams, a rabid abolitionist twenty years ago, you remember, and one of my early anti-slavery teachers, was very out-spoken and faithful to all his young converts, especially, made the one majority at that meeting.  The great point was, you know, to cut off correspondence with a great and powerful party, who do not think it a sin to commit certain depredations on a man's household, such as taking the wife or husband, as may best suit their convenience or profit; and should the cradle contain a valuable prize, and one likely to increase in value, take it, of course, without asking consent of father or mother.  I at first thought I would, instead of the above sentence, use the simple and apostolic word, man-stealers; but as that might give pain to certain tender consciences, I omitted that naughty word.  My conscience, you know, has long been seared as with a hot iron, but I ought to have a kind feeling towards all men.  The cut-off resolution was introduced by Rev. Dr. Leavitt of the Richmond Street Church, who advocated the same at some length.  Rev. Dr. Shepard of Bristol, Rev. Mr. Blodget of Pawtucket, Rev. Mr. Taylor of Slatersville, Rev. Dr. Rice of St. Louis, Missouri, a delegate from the Old, and Rev. Mr. Poor of New Jersey, a delegate from the New School Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, did not agree with Mr. Leavitt.  You know I don't go every Sunday to hear theological preaching, but I happened in, some few months since, where Rev. Mr. Conklin officiates, expecting, of course, to hear the regular preacher, but in his stead I found Rev. Mr. Blodget of Pawtucket, Mass.  The test was, 'Strive to make your calling and election sure;' or, 'How shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation?'  The Rev. divine had a number of points in his discourse, which he enforced with much emphasis, one especially, that struck me with great power.  He told us that, to make our salvation sure, we should be ready and willing, at all times, and under all circumstances, to forsake the company of ungodly men.  I recollected that one year ago he did not agree with my excellent friends, Rev. Messrs. Wollcott and Conklin, on this one point--that plundering the cradle without the mother's consent, or holding companionship with those who did, was sinful.  But why has not the Rev. Mr. Blodget as good a right to his opinion as any man, if he shall say that plundering the sheepfold or the hen-house, without consulting any pretended owner, is sin?  Who shall deign to call his opinion in question, or say that our salvation will not be endangered, if we hold companionship with those who perform such deeds?  But now I name the very respectable list who advocated and voted for Dr. Leavitt's resolution: Rev. Messrs. Wolcott, Conklin, Swain, Clapp, and Hon. A.C. Barstow, and Rev. Mr. Foster of Illinois.  I can truly say, they all did themselves much credit, in my humble opinion.  Dr. Rice spoke at great length a number of times.  Rev. Mr. Poor, from the New School, was allowed to speak his opinion also, as long as he wished to; but the members of the Consociation were limited to fifteen minutes.  They permitted Dr. Rice to speak an hour or more, when, by a rule, the reply to him was only one quarter of that time, giving him great advantage in debate; but even under this disadvantage, he was ably replied to by Messrs. Wolcott, Swain, Conklin; and truly rejoiced were all the friends of the slave that the Rev. Mr. Clapp, who, less than a year since, has been settled over the old church in Broad street, (one of the largest in the city,) took the stand, and delivered a bold, open and manly speech, in favor of closing the correspondence, and against receiving or sending delegates to either the Old or New School of the Presbyterian Church.

But I have got before the record.  On the last morning of the session, Rev. Dr. Leavitt took the floor, and made quite a long speech.  He had changed his mind--he was afraid of doing wrong--he hoped the Consociation would defer action on this resolution for one year.  Rev. Thomas Williams hoped the motion would pass unanimously, and also hoped the question would be indefinitely postponed.  He could not consent to cut off acquaintance with Christian ministers.

Motion to postpone or defer was lost.  The debate continued till near 1 o'clock, when an adjournment took place until 2, P.M.; when Dr. Rice (Old School) preached a sermon of more than an hour long, at the close of which, the Communion was administered by Rev. Mr. Foster of Illinois, assisted by Rev. Mr. Poor of New Jersey, (New School.)  At 5 o'clock, the Moderator called the Convention to order.  The debate was immediately resumed, and continued until near 8 o'clock, when the vote was taken, and the resolution passed--Yeas 17, Nays 14.  Dr. Leavitt was excused from voting on his own resolution.  Dr. Poor left before night; Dr. Rice said a few parting words--he would never be here again--and immediately left the house.

Thus ended the three days' labor.  The meetings were attended by clergymen and a number of the different sects.  Free-Will and self-willed Baptists, Right Rev. Dr. Clark, Bishop of Rhode Island, were invited to sit as corresponding members.

The Annual Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church for the State of Rhode Island met on Tuesday, and finished up all its business in two days.  For twelve years this was the church of my adoption, and I shall not now speak in disparagement of such a respectable, dignified body.  I think they are not troubled with isms much--not to my knowledge; the pounding of Senator Sumner's head, and the killing of Free State men in Kansas, I believe, they did not consider to come within the pale of church legislation; but should any man (white man) be robbed of his wife very near by, many good Episcopalians, we doubt not, would feel very bad, and say that the robber rascal ought to be imprisoned.  You in Massachusetts have the advantage of us in Rhode Island.  Should some Southern blood pound the head of our Senator Allen, while in his senatorial seat, as hard as Senator Sumner's head was pounded, think
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you not that our righteous indignation would be raised to a high standard ? Little Rhoda owns some very big guns, and she has got money to buy more, should an emergency arise. Her Senator, too, belongs to the dignitied body I have just referred to, and also is one of the upper ten thousand, and many tens above that ; and your Senator’s language has been, some say, very aggressive, and he was not one of the upper ten thousand, and I think that he was not connected with the rich and dignified body that our Senator is. Now this makes a vast difference ! so much so, that I think our, Senator’s head is safe—for the present ; and his language is not generally aggressive. I speak from actual knowledge, for I have, for many years, had the honor of his personal acquaintance, and know that his desire is, as far as possible, to he at peace with all men. Should I see or hear of any danger of a second senatorial assault, I shall feel bound to give the alarm at, once, as it would not sound well across the water, and might damage some one of our peculiar institutions, which might be attended with serious consequences. You will see by the above, that it is my ardent wish to be as friendly to the Union as I can be without compromising principle.  No man has a right to ask me to go further ; but who can tell, pray, what a day or an hour may bring forth? For it is already made known to the world, that the twenty Orthodox churches in Rhode Island have openy proclaimed disunion with the Presbyterians; but we trust no blood will be spilt in consequence.  I apprehend no immediate declaration of war ; but we know that in a righteous cause, one shall be able to chase a thousand, and two shall put ten thousand to flight.

Yours, truly, NO COMPROMISE.

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MISS HOLLEY AT GHENT.
GHENT, N. Y., June 16, 1856.

DEAR FRIEND GARRISON :

The ‘ Border Ruffians ’ are not all in the immediate vicinity of Kansas, as I have had an opportunity to learn since my return from the New England Convention. To effect arrangements for a meeting at this place for our esteemed friend SALLIE HOLLEY, I had occasion to have an interview with the Rev. NATHAN CORNELL, pastor of a Lutheran Church ; and in the course of our conversation, I was made to realize, more fully than ever before, that the ministers of the popular religion of this country are among the greatest hindrances to the cause of Freedom. When I had made known to him the object of my call, he, at first, agreed with me in desiring to arrest the attention of the people to the subject of Slavery, but he thought they would object to introducing a political question into the church on the Sabbath. I told him that the Abolitionists made it a specially moral and religious, and not a political question ; relying on the strong force of Christian principle to effect the deliverance of the Oppressed. Yet he, a professed teacher of the doctrines of Christ, denounced the principles of the Abolitionists as treasonable, and their acts as aiding in the support of slavery ! He charged to their influence, all the aggressions of the Slave Power; and, as an example of his intelligence and spirit, in referring to ABBY KELLEY FOSTER, he denominated her ‘ a scoundrel and a villain,’ and unfit for any decent person to associate with !

This is the same clergyman, who gained an unenviable notoriety on one occasion last summer, by rudely and angrily shaking his fist in the face of my brother, (AARON M. POWELL) as he was making some remarks, with which he (the minister) was not well pleased.

Should not the pharisaical and time-serving career
of such false teachers and ‘ blindguides ’ be exposed ?

Miss HOLLEY’S meeting was large and very successful, and was held on Sunday afternoon in the Friends’ meeting-house. The interest manifested by those in attendance was truly gratifying. The labors of Miss HOLLEY have rendered essential service to our cause in this place.   Yours, for the cause of the Slave,

ELIZABETH M. POWELL.

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A NORTHERN CONFEDERACY.
MILWAUKIE, Wis., May 26, 1856.

DEAR GARRISON :
Congressional and Missouri ruffianism is shaking the West, for the time being, like an earthquake. Those cowardly ruffians and bloodhounds of slavery, Brooks, Butler & Co, and the Border Ruffians, are but the legitimate, natural offspring of slavery ; and the effort to assassinate Charles Sumner in his seat in the United States Senate, and the murders and arsons in Kansas, are but the natural and necessary fruits of the compromise between Liberty and Slavery. Why should the North be astonished and indignant, as though some unexpected and unnatural outrage had been perpetrated?

If a man enters into a league with highway robbers, should he be surprised if he himself is robbed ? Those who enter into an alliance with pirates, should they be shooked if they get their own throats cut ? No more should Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson, John P. Hale, Edward Wade, and Joshua R. Giddings complain if they are knocked down, beaten, and assassinated, in their seats in Congress. What business have they there, side by side with those thieves, robbers, and assassins, to legislate for a nation? They knew the character of their associates ; they knew that Brooks, Butler & Co. live by theft, robbery and murder ; and they knew, also, that these men had as good a right to seats in Congress as they had, and that, by virtue of their common right, they were habitually bound, by their oath of office, to treat them with the same courtesy and respect that they awarded to honest and honorable men.  When they are scourged or knocked down by their associates, on the floor of Congress, as are the black slaves on the plantation, why be astonished ? Will they learn wisdom, come out from such an alliance, and go to works to form a Northern Republic? How many more Greeleys and Sumners must be scourged, knocked down and mangled, before the Northern members of Congress will ‘let the Union slide,’ and strike for a Northern Confederacy ? This is the last chance for freedom on the Western. Continent-the immediate dissolution of the present Union, and the formation of a Northern, non-slaveholding Republic.

People of Massachusetts, against the entreaties of the wise and good, you persist in your union with kidnappers and murderers. Your sons are struck down, and murdered in Washington and Kansas, as the legitimate result. You have outraged humanity ; you have cast contempt upon the God of justice and purity; you have put on the auction-stand four millions of God’s children, to be sold as beasts ; you consign every seventh woman in the nation to prostitution, and consent to hold her while your brutal allies work their will upon her ; you have abolished marriage, and trampled on all the sacred and dear affections of home. By sustaining your allies in slaveholding, slave-hunting, slavebreeding, and slavery-extension, you have filled the lan with pollution, robbery, violence and blood. The brutal and cowardly assault on Charles Sumner, and on your sons and daughters in Kansas, is but the legitimate fruit of your own acts. Will you persist in your ‘ covenant with death ’ and your ‘ agreement with hell’? If you do, you must meet your reward.

By the way, it is altogether probable that Wisconsin will sustain the Democratic party next fall. The Republicans are divided. Booth does what he can to break them up and prevent their gaining the State in the next legislature, which is to choose a Senator for six years, should the Union hang together so long—which may the God of the oppressed forefend ! Booth has called a mass meeting on the 4th of June, in Madison, to oppose the Republicans that meet at the same time and place, to elect delegates to the National Convention, at Philadelphia. Booth nominated himself for Governor last year; and failing of being sustained, he threw his influence in favor of Barstow, the usurper and bunker Democrat. Barstow, in his struggle to keep the office which he had usurped, is said to have acted by the advice and aid of Caleb Cushing, who had promised to assist him from the treasury of the United States.
Cushing has a disputed claim to a county in this State,
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and calculated that Barstow would aid him to maintain it.

Who will call a convention of the New England States to inquire into the expediency and necessity of a Northern confederacy?  Brooks, and his assistants in the assault on Summer, whatever be the result to him, will not only go unpunished, but be sustained by the present confederacy.  The deliberate murders of the sons and daughters of New England, in Kansas, will be sustained by the Union.  Kansas will be a slave state.  The Senators and Representatives in Congress will further be beaten, outraged and murdered. All--all the natural and necessary fruits of the Union between the North and the South!  The Republican party can do nothing; for it has already determined to make no issue with slavery where it now exists.  Who will call a Northern convention to consider the condition of Congress and of Kansas, and what the North should do in the present crisis?

Fifteen years ago, there was scarce a village in this place.  Now there is a city of forty thousand people!  This is the best harbor on lake Michigan.  Rail-roads are laid out from this place across the State to the Mississippi in three directions.  Emigration to Wisconsin from Europe and New England is incredible.  They come by tens of thousands.  It is a beautiful, and must be a powerful State.

HENRY C. WRIGHT.

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[[bold]] FREEDOM OF CHRISTIANITY. [[/bold]]

[[italics]]"But God hath chosen the foolish thing of the world to confound the wise; and God hath chosen the weak thinkgs of the world to confound the things which are mighty." [[/italics]] 1 Cor. I. 27.

This declaration referred only to the origin and rise of Christianity; but God is the ruler of the world, as well as of the Church: and of necessity it comprises, and applies to political revolutions.  In August, 1835, a great popular meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, to soothe an alarm of the Slaveholders of the South; at which a small party of radical abolitionists were so condemned and denounced, that the most active leader of that party was shortly after seized at a ladies' meeting by citizens of "property and standing," dragged through the streets, and imprisoned to protect him from assassination.  In May, 1853, that same despised and maltreated man stood up in another hall in Boston, filled with as large, and a more respectable audience, and uttered his strongest Anti-Slavery sentiments, with general acclamations of applause; and even boldly avowed his desires of national disunion, in which that audience did not sympathize, without a whisper of censure.  In the interval, his voice, and that of his coadjutors, had sounded through all the free portion of these extensive States; and had awakened a more rational, moderate and practical zeal, which has become the [[italics]] animus [[/italics]] of a now formidable party, threatening to convulse this Union to its extremities; and which can only be allayed by the removal from this nation of its curse and its disgrace, and the triumph of political and moral freedom.

And this revolution is not political only; the churches are also cleaving asunder by the force of this anti-slavery electricity.  Harmony can no longer be restored to them by conservative adherence to political power; they must yield to the rushing advance of freedom, or be scattered in fragments.  But they charge and fear "infidelity;" and in alarm at the menaced abandonment of faith, recede into the more awful abandonment of philanthropy.  They forget that not only has God chosen the weak to confound the mighty, but that he has never carried forward a movement of human regeneration, with the intermingled elements of selfishness, and error and even of fanaticism, to gave it impetus.  History bears to us a solemn fact: all predominant churches have allied themselves to the abuses and the tyrannies of existing sovereignties, and have in consequence sunk in corruption and discredit; and when such sovereignties have been overthrown, have participated in the wreck.  In France, the Cross was dashed to pieces with the Sceptre, and in England, the yet lingering Church, thus attached to the State, in the semblance of the skeleton of Papal power, is fast losing its hold on the affections of the nation; and when the advancing spirit of reform in that land shall bring its proud Aristocracy to the level of the people, that Church will be like the Roman Republic under the Cesars -- a name without a substance. those of our own Churches, who give their support to the Slaveholding despotism of our country, and find vindication for it in the antiquated records of Judaism, are already trembling on this bases; and must fall before the progress of that Christianity, which proclaims deliverance to the captive, and which is yet to pour the light of the gospel on the sealed eyes of myriads of our darker brethren.

Americans may learn a useful lesson from these momentous considerations.  Professing, as our glory, emancipation from ecclestiastical authority in faith, it is peculiarly important for us to withhold allegiance from the equally binding and corrupting power of political domination. In vain do we refuse the fetters of a religious creed, if we accept the tighter ones of worldly patronage.  In vain do we strive to diffuse Christian truth and freedom of conscience, if we decline the higher duty of Christian philanthropy.  In vain do we boast of liberal toleration of all opinions when consistent with united affections, if we are intolerant of diversity of co-operation in action.  Let Christians give up the untenable opinion, that they are bound to render obedience to human government in matters of Christian benevolence; and gathering strength with the rising spirit of the age, they will become the great tree of the kingdom of heaven, in the branches of which all the delivered "fowls" of oppressed humanity may lodge.  But let our Churches attach themselves to the ever fluctuating car of political power, and their now waning influence will vanish; the the [[italics]] "Ichabod" [[/italics]] which has labelled so many of their predecessors, will be written on their ruins. J.P.B.

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[[bold]] EXTRACT FROM A SERMON. [[/bold]]

We believe that Despotism, Oligarchy, Republicanism, will eventually yield to Practical Social Christianity and Divine Harmony, when universal knowledge, and love of God and man, will fill the earth as the waters fill the sea.

We happen now to be in a transition state from a lower to a higher form of general government.  The United States Government has been, for nearly seventy years, trying to serve God and Mammon, Freedom and Slavery.  The framers of the General Government made a glorious Constitution in all respects, except in its agreeing not to recognize Christianity in its provisions.  They covenanted with each other to promote Slavery, by counting three-fifths of the slaves as persons to be represented in Congress by slaveholders, instead of slaves; by perpetuating the African slave trade twenty years; by returning fugitive slaves to their masters; by lending United States forces to suppress slave insurrections.  This covenant to do wicked deeds has been faithfully kept.  We have served Satan effectually for seventy years -- never more faithfully than during the last six years.  We are united with slavery; we its behests, and get its returns.  We pray every Sunday that the kingdom of Heaven may come; that the General Government may, like Christ, be a Father to all inhabitants of the land; and then we help the United States Government oppress four millions of slaves, and destroy Kansas, and insult our Senators!

The Christian advice is, to cease serving the Slave Power, and then resist in all righteous ways, till it ceases to exist on earth; or else stop praying that the kingdom of Impartial Righteousness may come.  No union with Slavery--a clean sweep of it out of our National Constitution and out of our Administration, is the obvious duty of all who believe in Christ.  Let Congress have no constitutional power to promote Slavery.  Let all Christians in Congress refuse to make any appropriations for Slavery, even if the slaveholders withdraw from all public counsels.

We want the General Government of this country a righteous Government, and not, as now is, an un-
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righteous Government.  We want the kingdom of heaven in this large domain, and not the kingdom of Satan; and we mean to have it.  God means to work out for us, through much tribulation, probably through a tempest of wild passions and a thunder-storm of civil war, an eventual salvation from [[italics]] "all" [[/italics]] unrighteousness -and we are now near the crisis.  Those who believe that all persons have inalienable rights, and are to be reverenced and aided as such, are sooner or later to come into earthly power, and five their character to the Constitution and the Administration of the kingdom to come.  The meek and merciful, the progressive and pure, the patient and now persecuted Jesus, is to triumph on this continent, and set at liberty them who are bruised, and break every yoke, and give deliverance to the captives.  The U.S. Government is to be converted and changed - not by breaking it up into petty principalities and powers, but by becoming purified from the double taint of Slavery and money-power, caused by its representation article; and from all relics of barbarism - such as the power to make war,

The kingdom of Freedom and Peace is to come in this country, and we are called upon to take up the cross, and resist our present evil Government, until the end cometh.  It is not a conflict between North and South, or between Free States and Slave States; nor is it a conflict to tear to pieces a General Government over the length and breadth of our great country; but it is a conflict between Freedom and Slavery - between those parts which covenant to do Satan's work; and God's kingdom will prevail, after a long struggle.  Some will take up carnal, and some spiritual weapons to defend Slavery.  Money and troops will go to Kansas to fight, some for and some against freedom.  We shall have civil war in Congress, and out of Congress; but the kingdom of God will be set up at last in this country, covering over the entire expanse of North and South, East and West.  Slavery, the sum of all iniquities, now sanctioned and upheld by the United States Government, will be expelled from the Magna Charta of our Rights, and from the operations of our Congress; and there will be a new order of political life and prosperity, as different from the present, as animal life is different from vegetable, or human is different from animal.  Noble champions of Liberty, valiant men of God, enthusiastic young men and women, are now called upon to vow eternal hostility to Slavery, wherever found, in statue book or in mobs; to resist the United States Government the best way they can, till it ceases to be a Slavery Power - to resist Slavery in Church and State, not in a sectional spirit, not by considerations of latitude and longitude, not by stirring up animosities between different States, but by firm resistance to Slavery itself, as a wicked and insufferable custom, a sin against God and man, demanding eternal reprobation and death.

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SOCRATES VERSUS THE 'HIGHER LAW.'

[[italic]]Editor of the Liberator:[[/italic]]

The Editor of [[italic]]Harper's Magazine[[/italic]], in the April number of that periodical, very dexterously attacks the 'Higher Law' advocates, under cover of the dialogue 'Crito.'  Whether the attempt was made with a view to an increase of Southern patronage, or from better motives, is of little consequence.  That it was made with the full knowledge that the number of its Northern readers would not grow less, is very probably; since no man is the less respected here, for declaring his sentiments plainly and boldly, while a half-way, fearful expression of his thoughts may not measurably exalt him in the public esteem.

Following his unjust sentence, the friends of Socrates set about devising means for his escape.  In his reply to the arguments of Crito, (of which the Editor declares 'a triumph of Reason over Feeling,') the philosopher is made use of to rebuke such men as Seward, Sumner, Greeley, Parker and Beecher, for the advocacy of the 'Higher Law.'  No man questions the injustice of the sentence which bereft classic Greece of one of her best friends, and the world of an active Christian and profound thinker; and few candid men will question the injustice of this attempt to distort the last words of the dying philosopher into a justification of non-interference with the designs of the Slave Oligarchy, based upon a superstitious regard for law without reference to its relations with and its influence upon the interests of the governed.

The merits of the two cases are not equal.  What sane man will affirm that the decree under which Socrates suffered, and that which degrades a whole people to the brute level--extinguishes at a blow their civil rights, and the dearest social relations--are equal in power for evil?  The fate of Socrates was special; while that to which the Slave Oligarchy would consign existing millions, and millions yet unborn, concerns not those millions along, but hungers for the liberties of the whole human race.

In his reply to Crito, the philosopher showed his willingness to suffer martyrdom for the vindication of an abstraction.  His reasoning conducted to its legitimate results, anticipates the rule of later times--obedience to 'the powers that be.'  He urges submission to unjust laws, that the majesty of the law may be preserved invoilate.  A questionable majesty, it would seem, which could be beneficially affected through a cowardly submission to injustice.

Of the report to Socrates to Crito's last and moving expostulation, the Editor remarks:--'The great idea which he ever presents with such vigor of reasoning, with such richness of illustration, is the incalculable value of the State, the priceless price of civil government.'  But did the philosopher intend by the 'vigorous reasoning,' to cut off a people from a redress of their grievances, to outlaw every attempt at governmental progress, and to brand as a felon every man who should protest against the aggressions of tyranny, whether in the guise of caste, or of an aristocracy based upon wealth!  What man, speaking within the province of his better reason, will assert that such is the doctrine taught by Socrates in the dialogue Crito?

It must be remembered that there was no 'higher law,' so to speak, in the time of Socrates.  The law-givers of that time occupied the same position in the public esteem, that Moses occupied in the esteem of the tribes.  They were, in some sort, the tongues of the gods, as Moses was regarded the mouth-piece of Jehovah.  Greece was scarcely less a theocracy that Israel; and, therefore, the civil law was the '[[italic]]higher law[[/italic]],' which does not happen to be the case in this country.  I believe that plenary inspiration is not claimed for the framer of either our organic or municipal laws, no, not even by the most inveterate of the many Constitution worshippers with whom this fecund land is blessed.  When that claim shall be set up, it will be more in order to summon Socrates from Hades to testify against the advocates of the 'Higher Law.'

For one, I object to this manifest disposition of some journalists and Magazine men, to lean upon the philosophical abstractions of the ancient sages, in the attempts to bolster up great wrongs.  The Bible, for which they profess great reverence, has been degraded into a corner-stone of the 'institution.'  There was vandalism enough displayed in that, to satiate the destructiveness of common barbarians; but if the wisdom of the ancient sages, and especially the last words of Socrates, are to be brought down and set up as main pillars in the Juggernautic temple of American Slavery, we may as well prepare for a resuscitation of the Delphic Oracle in furtherance of pro-slavery designs.

JOHN OF MORLEY.

Wellsboro', Pa. May, 1856.

[[double line]]

[[image: hand pointing to right]] Bayard Taylor, having accumulated a generous portion of the needful by his profitable lectures before the Lyceums, intends to start off again as a tourist.  His object, this time, is to explore the north of Europe.  In July next, he sails for England, and after a few weeks in France and Italy, will proceed to Copenhagen, thence through Norway, Sweden and Denmark, Lapland and Siberia.  The fruits of this expedition will appear in a new series of letters to the New York [[italic]]Tribune[[/italic]].

[[/column 5]]

[[column 6]]

AYER'S
PILLS

Are curing the Sick to an extent never before known of any Medicine.

INVALIDS, READ AND JUDGE FOR YOURSELVES.

JULES HAUEL, Esq., the well-known perfumer, of Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, whose choice products are found at almost every toilet, says,--

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"Acton, Me., Nov. 25, 1853.
"DR. J. C. AYER. Dear Sir : I have been afflicted from my birth with scrofula in its worst form, and now, after twenty years' trial, and an untold amount of suffering, have been completely cured in a few weeks by your Pills. With what feelings of rejoicing I write, can only be imagined when you realize what I have suffered, and how long.

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"Hoping this statement may be the means of conveying information that shall do good to others, I am, with every sentiment of gratitude, Yours, &c.,

MARIA RICKER."

"I have known the above-named Maria Ricker from her childhood, and her statement is strictly true.
ANDREW J. MESERVE, 
Overseer of the Portsmouth Manufacturing Co."

CAPT. JOEL PRATT, of the ship Marion, writes from Boston, 20th April, 1854, --

"Your Pills have cured me from a bilious attack which arose from derangement of the Liver, which had become very serious. I had failed of any relief by my Physician, and from every remedy I could try; but a few doses of your Pills have completely restored me to health. I have given them to my children for worms, with the best effects. They were promptly cured. I recommended them to a friend for costiveness, which had troubled him for months; he told me in a few days they had cured him. You make the best medicine in the world, and I am free to say so."

Read this from the distinguished Solicitor of the Supreme Court, whose brilliant abilities have made him well known; not only in this but the neighboring States.

"New Orleans, 5th April, 1854.

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"You seem to us, Doctor, like a providential blessing to our family, and you may well suppose we are not unmindful of it.

Yours respectfully,

LEAVITT THAXTER."

"Senate Chamber, Ohio, April 5th, 1854.

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Yours with great respect

LUCIUS B. METCALF."

The above are all from persons who are publicly known where they reside, and who would not make these statements without a thorough conviction that they were true.

Unprincipled dealers may attempt to put you off with other pills, on which they make more profit.  Be not imposed upon by any such counsellors.

Prepared by Dr. J. C. AYER,
Practical and Analytical Chemist, Lowell, Mass.

Sold by
THEODORE METCALF & CO., } Boston; 
BREWER, STEVENS & CUSHING, }
BROWN & PRICE, Salem ;
H. H. HAY, Portland;
J. N. MORTON & CO., Concord, N. H.;
And by all Druggists and Dealers in Medicine every where.  M23

[[line]]

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[[line]]

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[[line]]

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