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crease their free white people, and as they shall be pressed by the ever-growing moral sentiment of the North.  As the poor slaves march towards the Gulf States in chains, it may be well for the free people identified with them to float towards the same point by sea, carrying with them the settled purpose, a purpose to be taught to their children and their children's children, to play a part in the liberation and elevation of their race.  The way is now opened by which those of our people, driven out by alarmed tyrants from the slave States, may find a refuge from oppression without going beyond the borders of civilization; and those States which, like Missouri, are excusing themselves for continuing slavery on the ground that they have nowhere to send emancipated slaves, (though the thing is really a sham,) are deprived of that excuse.  The Government of Hayti is prepared to receive all who will come, and give them an interest in her soil, the protection of her laws, and the full enjoyment of her liberty.  The change in the policy of the Haytian Government towards emigration, is strikingly fortunate for colored Americans just now, and, as we think, wisely adapted to promote the prosperity and well being of Hayti.

Nations, no more than individuals, can flourish in isolation.  England needed many invasions to enable her to reach her present sublime position in the world.  Precisely those parts of the country which have been most exposed to contact with foreign elements, are most abundant in all the elements of greatness.  Hayti is no exception--though in the New World she is comparatively an old country.  From various causes her industry and enterprize have in large degree fallen off.--Nobly struggling to render their liberty secure, the Haytian people have been less ambitious of progress and prosperity.  An infusion from abroad of men and women, hale and strong, bent upon bettering their own condition, cannot fail to quicken the Haytian people into more active exertion in the same direction.  President GEFFRARD, and his chosen counsellors, could have given no better proof of their patriotism and statesmanship, than by doing just what they have now done.  The good of the country, and the good of the emigrant, are equally consulted in the arrangement proposed.  The Government has not forgotten what was due to Hayti, nor overlooked the claims of the race identified with its own people, now weighed down under innumerable disabilities and hardships in a neighboring Republic.

Perhaps, having said so much, we may venture to throw out a word of caution to emigrants.  It is the easiest thing in the world to indulge in the illusions of hope; but it is hard to bear the disappointment on finding them illusions.  We have conversed freely with men who know Hayti--men who had no temptation either to disparage or to exaggerate the advantages which she holds out to emigrants from our borders.  We have also read many accounts of her people, her soil, her climate, and her various material resources.  From all that we can gather, we are convinced that Hayti is just like other rich tropical countries-- her great want is labor, intelligent labor, earnest and persevering labor--labor with the plough, with the flook, the axe, the saw; no man need go there with a few dollars in his pocket, hoping to

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open lucrative business and getting rich at once.  It will be there, as in California at first--the man with hard hands made money, and those that could not dig had to beg.  The same will prove true of Hayti.  Let every emigrant go to Hayti with the purpose to give the country his best energies, and we will be bound that the country will take care of him and fulfill his highest expectations. 

While in Boston a few days ago, we called at the Haytian Bureau of Emigration, and made the acquaintance of Mr. REDPATH, the General Agent.  He is a man of ability, has twice visited Hayti, has done much towards enlightening the public mind here as to the character and qualifications of those who administer the affairs of that country, and is zealous and faithful, we believe, in the prosecution of his work.  Mr. REDPATH has given many proofs of his deep abhorrence of slavery, and of his earnest sympathy with our oppressed people.  Those who want to know more of this subject than is communicated in the admirable paper of Mr. F. E. DUBOIS, (himself formerly a carpenter in Philadelphia, but now, as will be seen, an important officer in the Haytian Republic,) can receive such information by addressing Mr. JAMES REDPATH, Boston, Mass.  All such letters should contain a three cent stamp to pay the return postage.


The event so long and so loudly threatened by the State of South Carolina, and dreaded by the other States, has at last happened, and is a matter of history.  She has seceded, separated, repealed, quitted, dissolved the Union, declared her independence, set up for herself, assumed a place among the sisterhood of nations, pulled down the star spangled banner of the great American Confederacy, and upon innumerable pine poles have unfurled the Palmetto flag, preferring to be a large piece of nothing, to being any longer a small piece of something.  Her ordinance of secession passed unanimously.  Her people (except those of them held in slavery, which are more than half her population) have hailed the event as another and far more glorious Fourth of July, and are celebrating it with plenty of gunpowder, bad brandy, but as yet no balls, except those where perfumed ladies and gentlemen move their feet to the inspiring notes of the fiddle.  Other balls may yet come; and unless South Carolina shall retreat, or the Federal Government shall abdicate its functions, they must come.  But for the present all is remarkably pleasant and agreeable.  Secession seems a newly invented game, and the people are much delighted with it.  They play it over and over again--never tire of it.  They play till midnight, and sing 'We'll not go home till morning.'  For once the Palmetto State seems happy.  Once in a while there is a word of apprehension, a murmur, that all is not well, from a thoughtful source; but this is soon hushed in the general hilarity of her people, on account of their transition from Federal bondage to national independence and freedom.  South Carolina is very happy indeed.  She sends word to the world on the wings of the lightning, that she has met with a change, and is attesting her great joy by bonfires, pyrotechnics, cannons, illuminations, music and dancing.  And yet, as we have said, there is an under current of doubt, uncertainty, distrust, and foreboding.  The fact

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is, the new Republic has cleared, taken her papers, but has not yet weighed anchor, drawn a hawser, or set a single thread of canvas.--There is much noise, much pulling and hauling, and a lively stir generally; but the ship is still anchored in the safe harbor of the Union, and those having her in charge seem, after all, rather reluctant about venturing out upon the untried billows of the dissolution sea.  We think, however, she will not hesitate much longer, but will soon fire a parting salute, and bid the Union defiance, instead of affectionate farewell.

To speak plainly, South Carolina is out of the Union, just as the non-voting Abolitionists are out of the Union--the former to preserve slavery, and the latter to abolish slavery.  She is out of the Union, on paper, in speeches, letters, resolutions and telegrams.  The head and front of her independence hath this extent, no more.  The postal arrangements of the United States are still extended over her; the revenue laws of the United States are still enforced in her ports, and no hand, thus far, has been lifted against the one or the other.  The United States flag yet waves over Fort Moultrie, and a United States revenue cutter is lying in Charleston harbor.  The South Carolinians have accomplished what they call peaceful secession--a thing quite as easily done as the leaving of a society of Odd Fellows, or bidding good night to a spiritual circle.

But, unfortunately, human governments are neither held together, nor broken up by such mild and gentle persuasives as are implied in the soft phrase--peaceful secession.  There's is a voice of command, not of persuasion.  They rest not upon paper, but upon power.  They do not solicit obedience as a favor, but compel it as a duty.  The work is not done yet.  Though boasting of her sovereignty, her independence, and her freedom, instead of being out of the Union, South Carolina has really accomplished little more than to make known to the world the wish of certain politicians to take her out, and their design, either to take her out, or to scare the Northern people and the Republican party into such guarantees for slavery, as even an Algerine pirate, on the score of humanity, might hesitate to grant.  Nothing short of irrepealable and eternal bondage will satisfy South Carolina.  She can only be satisfied when Cotton is declared king, and South Carolina admitted to be the kingdom of Cotton.  Evidently, however, if she really means to go out of the Union, she has yet an immensely difficult and dangerous work before her.  The moorings that bind these States together can only be broken by opinion, backed up by force.

She must exclude the mail service, put an end to United States Post Offices, drive United States Custom House officers from her ports, capture public property, take the forts and arsenals, and drive out every officer from her border who holds and exercises any authority whatsoever under the Government of the U. S.  This may be an easy task, and may also be, under Mr. BUCHANAN, (who is clearly in the plot,) speedily done; but even when this is done, South Carolina is still in the Union.--The incoming President is elected to preside over the  United States; and if any of them have been permitted, by the treachery and weakness of his predecessor, to break away from the Government, his business will be to bring them back, and see that the laws of the

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