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430    DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.    MARCH, 1861.
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This also is beyond question, and I have only one course to take, and that is to grant the certificate.

Marshal JOHNSON then read from the statutes, concerning the duty of Marshals, and the penalties in the case such duty was not performed; also the penalty imposed for interrupting the execution of the law.  He said that it was unnecessary to say that the most unpleasant duty of his life devolved upon him in being required to carry back that girl into slavery.  'It is my wish to return her with the smallest possible force.  I wo'd further say that this girl can be purchased of her master, and I will give $100 towards it.'

Mr. BARLOW announced that Mr. GOSHORN, Sen., would like to make a few remarks.

Mr. G. said:  I feel under many obligations which I wish to express, for the manner in which I have been received in Cleveland.  I had an unpleasant duty to perform, and one which I would gladly have avoided.  I trust that this may be a stepping stone towards relieving the difficulties which exist between the North and the South, and I would have been glad had the mantle fallen upon some one more worthy than myself to represent the great State of Virginia.  My purpose is to serve the Union.

Mr. GOSHORN proceeded at some length to illustrate the feeling which prevails at both the North and the South, and expressed a hope that a better understanding would be brought about.

Mr. WM. SLADE said:  That it occurred to him that the citizens of this city should give an expression of opinion in this matter, and he offered resolutions to the effect that the Fugitive Slave Law, so long as it remained a law, should not be prevented from being enforced in our midst.

Judge SPAULDING dissented, remarking that he knew there were diverse sentiments in the room, and that he would not consent to surrender his, at the bidding of any man or set of men.  He also made a motion that the Marshal proceed to Wheeling with his charge, and that he be accompanied by the smallest necessary force, and that the people see that he is unmolested.  The motion was unanimously passed.--Mr. Slade's resolutions having been withdrawn.

Marshal JOHNSON immediately started for Wheeling with his victim.  No attempt was made to rescue her on the route, although at Lima a hundred or so armed persons were waiting for the train to stop; but the engineer, seeing the crowd, let on a full head of steam and passed through the town without making the usual stop.

The Cleveland [[italics]] Leader, [[/italics]] in commenting on this test case, says: 

The action of the people of Cleveland in this case has been such as would have been expected of a law-abiding community.  They have received the claimants for the slave with kindness and courtesy, and allow both them and the slave to depart peacefully.  We need not remind our readers that this is much more than they could expect to meet with, were they to go into a district in the South, as noted for its adherence to, and love of slavery, as the Western Reserve is noted for its adherence to, and love of freedom, whatever might be their mission.  A man is safe in Cleveland, let him hail from where he will; and so, too, would a Cleveland man be safe, doubtless, in Wheeling, for that is almost a Republican city; but let him go five hundred miles further South, and he might as well take poison at once as to announce himself from Ohio.

The test question has been tried, and the law has been submitted to.  We have done our share.  Will the South do hers?  It was as much as confessed, in the remarks of Mr. Goshorn, that leading men of Virginia and the South had urged on this case, as one which should have great influence for good or evil in the present crisis.  Will they do as much as we?  The South complains of her 'wrongs;' this very case is one of [[italics]] our [[/italics]] wrongs,
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and one that it galls us to endure.  Have they 'honor' and 'chivalry' enough to respect reasonable laws themselves, as strictly as we have done the unjust one?  The thanks of the community are due to Judge Spaulding, who without any hope of fee or reward, volunteered his services in behalf of the poor fugitive.

The [[italics]] Leader [[/italics]] gives the following advice to fugitives in that locality:
The [[italics]] Plain Dealer [[/italics]] says that the late fugitive slave case will be shortly followed by others here and in this vicinity.  We do not know of much better authority, upon questions of slave interest, than that paper, and we therefore have a word of advise [sic] to all fugitives--that is, to leave for Canada as soon as possible.  THERE they are freemen, and British subjects, and subject to the call of no man; here they are not safe a day.--Let them flee and ensure safety at the earliest possible moment

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Abraham Lincoln, The President elect, passed through our city on Monday morning, Feb. 18.  The train only stopped a few minutes, but Mr. Lincoln had to make a speech to the assembled thousands who had come to greet him.  His speeches along the route are all the same purport, and we give a few extracts to show their general character.  His short speech here did not touch on the great question of the day.  On leaving his home in Springfield, Ill., for the seat of Government, he addressed his fellow-citizens as follows:

'My friends:--No one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting.  To this people I owe all that I am.--Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century; here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried.  I know not how soon I shall see you again.  A duty devolves upon me, which[[?]], greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington.  He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied.  I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and in the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support, and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but, with which, success is certain.  Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell.'  (Loud applause, and cries of 'We will pray for you.')

At Indianapolis Mr. Lincoln spoke as follows:

'Fellow-Citizens of the State of Indiana:--I am here to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the very generous support given by your State, to that political cause which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world.  Solomon says, "There is a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by the month with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence.  The words coercion and invasion are much used in these days, and often with much temper and hot blood.  Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them.  Let us get the exact definition of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words.  What, then is 'coercion?'  What is 'invasion?'  Would the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile attempt toward them, be invasion?-- I certainly think it would; and 'coercion' also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit.  But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts, and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from
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places where they were habitually violated, would any or all these things be 'invasion' or 'coercion?'  Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these on the part of the United States would be coercion or invasion of a State?  If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy.  If sick, the little pills of the homeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow.  In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of free-love arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction.  By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State?  I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, for that, by the bond, we all recognize.  That position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it.  I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself.  If a State and a county, in a given case, should be equal in extent of territory, and equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the county?  Would an exchange of names be an exchange of rights?  On what principle, on what rightful principle, may a State, being no more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation and then coerce a proportionably larger subdivision of itself, in the most arbitrary way?  What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people by merely calling it a State?  Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting anything.  I am merely asking questions for you to consider.  And now allow me to bid you farewell.'

From Indianapolis Mr. Lincoln proceeded to Cincinnati, where he addressed the citizens, and said:

'I have spoken but once before this, in Cincinnati.  That was a year previous to the late Presidential election.  On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with small words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians.  I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately beat them, as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas to the Presidency, than they could in any other way.  They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come, certainly, as soon as ever I expected.  I also told them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been beaten; and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said upon that subject.  I then said, "When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you.  I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the Opposition, what we mean to do with you.  We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you.  We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution; and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you so far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson and Madison.  We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between us, other than the difference of circumstances.-- We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or we claim to have, and treat you accordingly."  Fellow-citizens of Kentucky! friends! brethren, may I call you in my new position, I see no occasion, and feel no inclination to retract a word of this.  If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall be mine.'

At Cleveland he said :

'You have assembled to testify your respect to the Union, the Constitution and the laws; and here let me say that it is with you
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