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452    DOUGLASS' MONTHLY    MAY, 1861.
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mer,aiming to steer a middle course, to please God without offending the Devil—Dr. SHAW has the misfortune to be claimed both for and against slavery, for and against concessions, for and against the traitors and rebels who have drawn their swords to assassinate the Government.  'Because ye are neither hot nor cold, I will spew thee out of my mouth.'  It would seem almost impossible for an honest patriot to use any language at such a time as this, which could expose him to the imputation of sympathy with the South in its war for the protection and extension of human slavery.  It would seem that any true man, even with very moderate ability in the place of Dr. SHAW, might have made himself understood.  But why does not the Doctor give the public that sermon, that they may see and judge for themselves the grounds upon which it is pronounced by those who heard it, a secession sermon?  Why does he resort to an advertising trick of citing us to another occasion upon which he is to speak?  If he should preach thunderbolts against the traitors and rebels next Sunday, it would not change the character of his sermon last Sunday.  No doubt Dr. SHAW has learned something during the present week and will give us the results next Sunday.  The last seven days have been remarkably fruitful of conversions.  And while we could not for the world cast a doubt upon the genuineness of one true and sound conversion, we still confess to a slight suspicion of eleventh hour conversions generally.  We do not like these death-bed confessions, these forced displays of patriotism.  We cannot forget that the circumstances by which we are surrounded, compel every man to be a patriot or a hypocrite, and that of all men an apologist for slaveholding Christians is like to prefer the latter.
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GENERAL BUTLER OFFERS TO PUT DOWN A SLAVE INSURRECTION IN MARYLAND.--If the above statement be correct, and it is not inconsistent with the antecedents of General BUTLER, nor with the example set by Col. SLEMMER, nor with the proclamation of the President, in which he pledges himself against the distruction of property, it will prove the most sickening dose ever commended to the lips of old Massachusetts.  How indescribably base is the attitude in which the Massachusetts regiment is placed by the Democratic General BUTLER.  The blood of Massachusetts men, not yet dry on the pavement of Pratt Street, Baltimore, where they were butchered under showers of stones, and with their own guns snatched from them by assassins--and General BUTLER of Massachusetts, while himself and men are hemmed in at Annopolis, [sic] half starved for bread, which white insurrectionists would not sell him--subject to guerrilla attacks all the march to Washington; yet the brave General BUTLER of the Massachusetts regiment, instead of striking down the murderers of his men, and the traitors to his country, promptly offers his services to these same murderers and traitors, to put down a squad of slaves who has seized that moment of excitement to gain their liberty.  Shame on General BUTLER!  He is a disgrace to humanity as well as to Massachusetts. 
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--The bills for the protection of free speech, for the abolition of capital punishment, and for a Metropolitan Police in the city of Boston, were defeated in the Massachusetts Legislature just before its adjournment.
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BLACK REGIMENTS PROPOSED.
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NEW YORK, April 20, 1861.

MR. EDITOR:—This present war arises out of the indignant protest of the North against the unreasonable and inadmissible demands of the South with regard to slavery extension; in fact, it is liberty making for the first time a decided stand against slavery.  In this state of things, it seems to me extremely proper that the descendants of Africans should take a prominent part in a war which will eventually lead to a general emancipation of the race.  Africans have fought well in the Revolution.  There were two regiments of them, and the record of these times show that they made efficient, zealous and reliable soldiers.  Gen. Jackson spoke highly of the colored men who fought at New Orleans.  Most of out national vessels have a squad of colored sailors, who mess together, and serve the same gun, which is called the black gun  Officers in the navy say the black gun is always the best served.  Every body knows what bravery the blacks displayed in St. Domingo. 

I think that at least one fine regiment could be raised from colored men in the North and East.  Canada would likely furnish a good number, and I have no doubt these volunteers would give a good account of themselves on the field of battle.  Then think of the moral effect such a regiment would have if carried with the rest of the forces in the very heart of slavedom.  It would form a nucleus for the organization of slaves emancipated by the proclamation that will surely come from 'Old Abe,' when the army is fairly on its march through the South, and he begins to settle his accounts with the rebels. 

I thought best to make these suggestions to you who are the devoted and efficient advocate of the advancement of the race--so you might, if you think proper, give expression to the idea in your paper, and develop it. 

My plan would be to advertise for the formation of an African Zouave regiment.  I suppose a sufficient number of vigorous and nimble fellows could be enrolled.  Abolitionists through the country would no doubt favor the idea, and subscribe freely to uniform the regiment, the arms to be furnished by the State.  When you are sure of say two hundred men, offer the regiment to the Governor of New York, or Massachusetts.  Perhaps it would be better to communicate to the Governor your intentions before taking the trouble to enlist anybody.  If he favors the plan, you can go ahead; if he does not, it would be useless to attempt raising a regiment that would not be mustered with the rest, and of course would not pay.  I think myself that before we get through with the war, every man, black or white, able and willing to carry a musket, will be wanted, and the Government will accept readily the services of all those who shall offer to bring down this infernal confederated rebellion to an end.  This will be a frightfully bloody war; but if a race is to be redeemed by it, it will be 
IMMATERIAL.

N. B.—France has some regiments of native Africans, who are incarnate devils on a field of battle.  The Austrians had a touch of their quality in Italy.  Nothing would please me more, and bring the race into favor, than to see Southern chivalry well whipped by an equal number of black men.  It would, indeed, be refreshing.
                    
REMARKS.

The measure recommended by 'Immaterial' meets our entire approval.  He speaks only what is passing in the minds of all thoughtful colored men of the North.  If we are not seen in the present conflict, the fault is not with us, but with our circumstances.  For the present, at least, we are between two fires.  The slaveholders are willing to take free blacks to fight for slavery, but neither Mr. LINCOLN at Washington, nor Mr. DAVIS at Montgomery, wants us to fight for freedom; and if we fight,
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we must fight against the North as well as the South, ABRAHAM LINCOLN as well as JEFFERSON DAVIS.  Mr. LINCOLN in his war proclamation assures the man-stealers and pirates of the Cotton Confederacy that he shall not war upon their 'property.'  We all know that means that no attempt will be made to destroy slavery.  Those of our number who have offered our services to the Government, have been coldly turned away, and in one instance, at Fort Pickens, sent back to slavery in irons to be whipped to death.
 
Our men are ready and eager to play some honorable part in the great drama of revolution now going forward ; but we want to fight for freedom, and to know who we shall have to fight.  Until another stage shall be reached in the progress of the war, we should be between two fires.  Nevertheless, we do most earnestly urge our people everywhere to drink as deeply into the martial spirit of the times as possible; organize themselves into societies and companies, purchase arms for themselves, and learn how to use them.  The present war may, and in all probability will reach a complexion when a few black regiments will be absolutely necessary.  Let us not only be ready on call, but be casting about for an opportunity to strike for the freedom of the slave, and for the rights of human nature.
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SUDDEN REVOLUTION IN NORTHERN SENTIMENT.
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During the first three weeks after the inauguration of Mr. LINCOLN'S Administration, there was a general sentiment all over the North looking to a peaceful solution of the revolutionary crisis now upon the country.— The Government at Washington seemed to be paralyzed, the Border States were active in the their efforts to avert civil war, partly by securing new and stronger guarantees for slavery, and partly by threats of disunion if the Government should attempt to defend itself by force against the rebel force of the so-called Confederate States.  Fort Sumter was to be abandoned; other Southern forts were to follow in the same path, and the Secession States were to be acknowledged and to have an easy time generally.  Southern Commissioners remained at Washington, and kept up the hopes of the Cotton States by sending encouraging telegrams over the country that things were working well and favorably to al [sic] their plans and purposes.  Democrats were doing what they could all over the North to cripple and fetter the Republicans, and Republicans themselves were divided as between a policy of peace and a policy of war, each wing of the latter party claiming to represent the spirit and purposes of the Administration.  In this general disjointed condition of facts, the Northern people stood apparently powerless.

But what a change now greets us!  The Government is aroused, the dead North is alive, and its divided people united.  Never was a change so sudden, so universal, and so portentious. [sic] The whole North, East, and West is in arms. Drums are beating, men are enlisting, companies forming, regiments marching, banners are flying, and money is pouring into the national treasury to put an end to the slaveholding rebellion. 

The rebels have all along based the probabilities of success to their unhallowed scheme
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