Viewing page 9 of 18

This transcription has been completed. Contact us with corrections.

JULY, 1861.     DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.     487
[[line]]

[[3 columns]]

[[column 1]]
THE "CONTRABAND GOODS" AT FORTRESS MONROE.
[[line]]

The latest advices from this Fortress report that runaway negroes still continue to present themselves at the gate and are in every instance received as 'contraband goods' of war.  It is stated that there are nearly five hundred of this species of property under Gen. BUTLER'S protection, worth $500,000, at a fair average of $1,000 apiece in the Southern human flesh market.  Gangs are now doing good service in the cause of the Government, and seem the happiest fellows in the world.  They work willingly, and claim to belong to the regular army.  They are no three-month men, and probably do not wish an early discharge.  A correspondent of the  Tribune, writing from that stronghold, says:

The first invoice of Virginia property received at Gen. Butler's camp, consisted of eight packages.  Gen. Ashley was detailed to examine and report.

'What are you going to do with us?' the negroes asked.

Gen. Ashley--'We shall not harm you.'

Negroes--'We know that; but will you send us back?  We want to know, because if you don't, our friends will follow.  They wait to learn how we are treated.'

Gen. Ashley--'I have no authority to act; but you may be sure that you won't be returned to your masters for twenty-four hours'

At this, about 200 volunteers, who had gathered about from various regiments, and all parties present, clapped their hands and cheered, showing the sentiment of the soldiers  General Ashley then examined the eight separately, and seemed to understand their situation, and to feel as with one of their number, an old Methodist class-leader, who said that they were like the children of Israel in Egypt; they knew that deliverance was 'gwine to come,' but how was not so clear.  But the war was something toward it.  They had awaited quietly since September, 'when we made up our minds that the North was too strong for the South.'

'Who are "we?"' asked Gen. Ashley.

'Masters and slaves both,' was the reply.

The next morning, according to their prophecy, 40 or 50 more came into camp; and these 'Volunteer Virginians' continued coming until Gen Ashley left.  An examination of these confirmed the conclusions respecting the knowledge of the negroes that something was going on which might enure to their good, and they determined to seize the opportunity.

Gen. ASHLEY, M. C., in a letter to the Toledo Blade, describing his interviews with some of these fugitive slaves, says:

This little incident tells me more plainly than ever, that what I said last winter in the House is true, when I declare that 'the logic of events told me that slavery must die.'  If I had time, and you the space, I would give in their own words the material portions of the answers of the most intelligent slaves.--There is one thing certain, every slave in the United States understands this rebellion, its causes and consequences far better than I supposed.  I asked one old man, who said he was a Methodist class leader, to tell me frankly whether this matter was well understood by all the slaves, and he answered me that it was, and that he 'prayed for it many long years.'--He said that their masters had all talked about it, and he added, 'Lor' bless you, honey, we don' give it up last September dat the North's too much for us,' meaning, of course, Mr. Lincoln's election was conceded even there by the slave masters, and was understood and hoped for by all the slaves.  I asked the same man how many more would probably come into the fort.  He said, 'a good many; and if we's not sent back, you'll see 'em 'fore to-morrow night.'  I asked why so and he said, 'Dey'll understan' if we's not sent back, dat we'r 'mong our friends, for if de slaveholder sees us, we gets sent right back.'
[[/column 1]]

[[column 2]]
And sure enough, on Monday, about 40 or 50 more, of all ages, colors and sexes, came into camp, and the guard was bound to arrest them.

And thus is being developed a practical plan which I believe, under Providence, will result in universal emancipation, for the people of this nation will never consent that those slaves, who refuse to fight against us, and escape to our camps and aid us all they can, shall be given up now to their assumed owners, or at the conclusion of the war, shall again be returned to slavery.  The man or party who will do this thing is already condemned to a political death, and will be execrated, as he ought to be, by posterity.

Another correspondent writes:

It was discovered that thirty of the slaves belonged to one man in Richmond.  He obtained permission to visit the fort to confer with Gen. Butler on the subject of getting his live property back.  He asked the General if he might be allowed to convey them back.  The General said they came there of their own accord, and could go back with them if they desired to.  They were asked if they desired to return with their master.  They quickly decided that they preferred to remain with the soldiers in the fort.  The claimant then said if the General would allow him to take his slaves to Richmond he would manumit them.  Gen. Butler said he could not make any such arrangement; but the claimant could go to Richmond with or without the slaves, and they go or stay, as they pleased, and if they went the claimant might do as he pleased about manumitting them.  The claimant, finding himself in a bad fix, manumited the thirty slaves on the spot, left them in the fort free men, and left himself for Richmond.

GEN. BUTLER TO SECRETARY CAMERON.

The following is the passage in Gen. BUTLER'S dispatches to the War Department referring to the slaves:

Since I wrote my last dispatch, the question in regard to slave property is becoming one of very serious magnitude.  The inhabitants of Virginia are using their negroes in the batteries, and are preparing to send the women and children South.  The escapes from them are very numerous, and a squad has come in this morning to my pickets, bringing their women and children.  Of course these cannot be dealt with upon the theory on which I designed to treat the services of able-bodied men and women who might come within my lines, and of which I gave you a detailed account of in my last dispatch.  I am in the utmost doubt what to do with this species of property.  Up to this time I have had come within my lines men and women, with their children, in entire families, each family belonging to the same owner.

I have, therefore, determined to employ, as I can do very profitably, the able-bodied persons in the party, issing proper goods for the support of all, and charging against their services the expense of the care and sustenances of the non-laborers, keeping a strict and accurate account, as well of the services as of the expenditures, having the worth of the services and the cost of the expenditure as determined by the board of survey hereafter to be detailed.  I know of know [sic] other manner in which to dispose of this subject and the questions connected herewith.  As a matter of property to the insurgents, it will be of very great moment--the number that I now have amounting, as I am informed, to what, in good times, would be of the value of $60,000.  Twelve of these negroes, as I am informed, have escaped from the erection of the batteries on Sewall's Point, which this morning fired upon my expedition as it passed by out of range.

As a means of offense, therefore, in the enemy's hands, these negroes, when able bodied, are of the last importance.  Without them the batteries could not have been erected, at least for many weeks.  As a military question it would seem to be a measure of necessity to deprive their masters of their services.  How can this be done?  As a political
[[/column 2]]

[[column 3]]
question and a question of humanity, can I receive the services of a father and a mother, and not take the children?  Of the humanitarian aspect there is no doubt;  of the political one I have no right to judge.  I, therefore, submit all this to your better judgement.  As these questions have a political aspect, I have ventured, and I trust I am not wrong in so doing, to duplicate the parts of my dispatch relating to this subject, and forward them to the Secretary of War.

SECRETARY CAMERON'S REPLY.

WASHINGTON, May 30, 1861.

SIR:-- Your action in respect to the negroes who came within your lines, from the service of the rebels, is approved.  The Department is sensible of the embarrassments which must surround officers conducting military operations in a State, by the laws of which slavery is sanctioned.  The Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of its Federal obligations resting upon itself.  Among these Federal obligations, however, no one can be more important than that of suppressing and dispersing any combinations formed for the purpose of overthrowing its whole constitutional authority.

While, therefore, you will permit no interference, by persons under your command, with the relations of persons held to service under the laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State within which your military operations are conducted, is under the control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alleged masters any persons who may come within our lines.  You will employ such persons in the service to which they will be best adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the value of it, and the expenses of their maintenance.  The question of their final disposition will be reserved for future determination.  SIMON CAMERON, Sec'y of War.
To Major-General Butler.
[[line]]

GEN. BEAUREGARD'S PROCLAMATION.
[[short line]]

HEADQUARTERS DEP'T OF ALEXANDRIA,}
CAMP PICKENS, June 1.            }

A PROCLAMATION-- To the people of the Counties of Loudon, Fairfax and Prince Williams. 

A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil.  Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal and constitutional restraint, has thrown his Abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and outrage, too shocking and revolting to humanity to be enumerated.

All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war cry is "Beauty and Booty."  All that is dear to man--your honor and that of your wives and daughters--your fortunes and your lives, are involved in this momentous contest.

In the name, therefore, of the constituted authorities of the Confederate States--in the sacred cause of constitutional liberty, and self government, for which we are contending--in behalf of civilization itself, I, G. T. Beauregard, brigadier-general of the Confederate States, commanding at Camp Pickens, Manassas Junction, do make this my proclamation and invite and enjoin you by every consideration dear to the hearts of freemen and patriots, by the name and memory of your Revolutionary fathers, and by the purity and sanctity of your domestic firesides, to rally to the standard of your state and country; and by every means in your power, compatible with honorable warfare, to drive back and expel the invaders from your land.

I conjure you to be true and loyal to your country and her legal and constitutional authorities, and especialy [sic] to be vigilant of the movements and acts of the enemy, so as to enable you to give the earliest authentic information at these headquarters, or to the officers under this command.

I desire to assure you that the utmost protection in my power will be given to you all.

(Signed) G. T. BEAUREGARD,
Brigadier General Commanding.
Official--THOMAS JORDAN,
Acting Assistant Ad't General.
[[/column 3]]