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488      DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.      JULY, 1861
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DENMARK VESEY.
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[From the Atlantic Monthly, for June, 1861.]

On Saturday afternoon, May 25th, 1822, a slave named Devany, belonging to Colonel Prioleau of Charleston, South Carolina, was sent to market by his mistress--the Colonel being absent in the country.  After doing his errands, he strolled down upon the wharves, in the enjoyment of that magnificent wealth of leisure which usually characterizes the 'house-servant' of the South, when once beyond hail of the street-door.  He presently noticed a small vessel lying in the stream, with a peculiar flag flying; and while looking at it, he was accosted by a slave named William, belonging to Mr. John Paul, who remarked to him--'I have often seen a flag with the number 76, but never one with the number 96 upon it before.'  After some further conversation on this trifling point, he continued with earnestness--'Do you know that something serious is about to take place?'  Devany disclaiming the knowledge of any graver impending crisis than the family dinner, the other went on to inform him that many of the slaves were 'determined to right themselves.'  'We are determined,' he added, 'to shake off our bondage, and for that purpose we stand on a good foundation; many have joined, and if you will go with me, I will show you the man who has the list of names, and who will takes yours down.'

This startling disclosure was quite too much for Devany; he was made of the wrong material for so daring a project; his genius was culinary, not revolutionary.  Giving some excuse for breaking off the conversation, he went forthwith to consult a free colored man, named Pensil or Pencell, who advised him to warn his master instantly.  So he lost no time in telling the secret to his mistress and her young son; and on the return of Col Prioleau from the country, five days afterward, it was at once revealed to him.  Within an hour or two he stated the facts to Mr. Hamilton, the Intendant, or, as we should say, Mayor; Mr. Hamilton at once summoned the Corporation, and by five o'clock Devany and William were under examination.

This was the first warning of a plot which ultimately filled Charleston with terror.  And yet so thorough and so secret was the organization of the negroes, that a fortnight passed without yielding the slightest information beyond the very little which was obtained from these two.  William Paul was, indeed, put in confinement, and soon gave evidence inculpating two slaves as his employers--Mingo Harth and Peter Poyas.  But these men, when arrested, behaved with such perfect coolness and treated the charge with such entire levity, their trunks and premises, when searched, were so innocent of all alarming contents, that they were soon discharged by the Wardens.  William Paul at length became alarmed for his own safety, and began to let out further facts piecemeal, and to inculpate other men.  But some of these very men came voluntarily to the Intendant, on hearing that they were suspected, and indignantly offered themselves up for examination.  Puzzled and bewildered, the municipal government kept the thing as secret as possible, placed the city guard in an efficient condition, provided sixteen hundred rounds of ball cartridges, and ordered the sentinels and patrols to be armed with loaded muskets.  'Such had been our fancied security, that the guard had previously gone on duty without muskets, and with only sheathed bayonets and bludgeons.'

It has since been asserted, though perhaps on questionable authority, that the Secretary of War was informed of the plot, even including some details of the plan and the leader's name, before it was known in Charleston.  If so, he utterly disregarded it; and, indeed, so well did the negroes play their part, that the whole report was eventually disbelieved, while (as was afterward proved) they went on to complete their secret organization, and hastened by a fortnight the appointed day of attack.  Unfortunately for their plans, however, another betrayal took place at the very last moment, from a different direction.  A
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class-leader in a Methodist church had been persuaded or bribed by his master to procure further disclosures.  He at length came and stated that, about three months before, a man named Rolla, slave of Governor Bennett, had communicated to a friend of his the fact of an intended insurrection, and had said that the time fixed for the outbreak was the following Sunday night, June 16th.  As this conversation took place on Friday, it gave but a very short time for the city authorities to act, especially as they wished neither to endanger the city nor to alarm it.

Yet so cautiously was the game played on both sides, that the whole thing was still kept hushed up from the Charleston public; and some members of the city government did not fully appreciate their danger till they had passed it.  'The whole was concealed,' wrote the Governor afterwards, 'until the time came; but secret preparations were made.--Saturday night and Sunday morning passed without demonstrations; doubts were excited, and counter orders issued for diminishing the guard.'  It afterwards proved that these preparations showed to the slaves that their plot was betrayed, and so saved the city without public alarm.  Newspaper correspondence soon was full of the story--each informant of course hinting plainly that he had been behind the scenes all along, and had withheld it only to gratify the authorities in their policy of silence.  It was 'now no longer a secret,' they wrote--adding, that for five or six weeks but little attention had been paid by the community to these rumours, the city council having kept it carefully to themselves, until a number of suspicious slaves had been arrested.  This refers to ten prisoners who were seized on June 18th--an arrest which killed the plot, and left only the terrors of what might have been.  The investigation, thus publicly commenced, soon revealed a free colored man named Denmark Vesey as the leader of the enterprize--among his chief coadjutors being that innocent Peter and that unsuspecting Mingo who had been examined and discharged nearly three weeks before.

It is a matter of demonstration, that, but for the military preparations on the appointed Sunday night, the attempt would have been made.  The ringleaders had actually met for the final arrangements, when, by comparing notes, they found themselves foiled; and within another week they were prisoners on trial.  Nevertheless, plot they had laid was the most elaborate insurrectionary project ever formed by American slaves, and came the nearest to a terrible success.  In boldness of conception and thoroughness of organization there has been nothing to compare with it, and it is worth while to dwell somewhat upon its details, first introducing the Dramatis Personae.

Denmark Vesey had come very near figuring as a revolutionist in Hayti, instead of South Carolina.  Captain Vesey, an old resident of Charleston, commanded a ship that traded between St. Thomas and Cape Francais, during our Revolutionary War, in the slave-transportation line.  In the year 1781, he took on board a cargo of three hundred and ninety slaves, and sailed for the Cape.--On the passage, he and his officers were much attracted by the beauty and intelligence of a boy of fourteen, whom they unanimously adopted into the cabin as a pet.  They gave him new clothes and a new name, Telemaque, which was afterwards gradually corrupted to Telmak and Denmark.  They amused themselves with him until their arrival at Cape Francais, and then, 'having no use for the boy,' sold their pet as if he had been a macaw or a monkey.  Capt. Vesey sailed for St. Thomas, and presently making another trip to Cape Francais, was surprised to hear from his consignee that Telemaque would be returned on his hands as being 'unsound,'--not in theology, nor in morals, but in body--subject to epileptic fits, in fact.  According to the custom of that place, the boy was examined by the city physician, who required Capt. Vesey to take him back; and Denmark served him faithfully, with no trouble from epilepsy,
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for twenty years, travelling all over the world with him, and learning to speak various languages.  In 1800, he drew a prize of fifteen hundred dollars in the East Bay St. Lottery, with which he bought his freedom from his master for six hundred dollars--much less than his market value.  From that time, the official report says, he worked as a carpenter in Charleston, distinguished for physical strength and energy.  'Among those of his color he was looked up to with awe and respect.  His temper was impetuous and domineering in the extreme, qualifying him for the despotic rule of which he was ambitious.  All his passions were ungovernable and savage; and to his numerous wives and children he displayed the haughty and capricious cruelty of an Eastern bashaw.'

'For several years before he disclosed his intentions to any one, he appears to have been constantly and assiduously engaged in endeavoring to embitter the minds of the colored population against the white.  He rendered himself perfectly familiar with all those parts of the Scriptures which he thought he could pervert to his purpose; and would readily quote them to prove that slavery was contrary to the laws of God--that slaves were bound to attempt their emancipation, however shocking and bloody might be the consequences--and that such efforts would not only be pleasing to the Almighty, but were absolutely enjoined and their success predicted in the Scriptures.  His favorite texts, when he addressed those of his own color, were Zechariah, xiv. 1-3, and Joshua, vi. 21; and in all his conversations, he identified their situation with that of the Israelites.  The number of inflammatory pamphlets on slavery brought into Charleston from some of our sister States within the last four years, (and once from Sierra Leone,) and distributed amongst the colored population of the city, for which there was a great facility, in consequence of the unrestricted intercourse allowed to persons of color between the different States in the Union, and the speeches in Congress of those opposed to the admission of Missouri into the Union, perhaps garbled and misrepresented, furnished him with ample means for inflaming the minds of the colored population of this State; and by distorting certain parts of those speeches, or selecting from them particular passages, he persuaded but too many that Congress had actually declared them free, and that they were held in bondage contrary to the laws of the land.--Even whilst walking through the streets in company with another, he was not idol; for if his companion bowed to a white person, he would rebuke him and observe that all men were born equal, and that he was surprised that anyone would degrade himself by such conduct--that he would never cringe to the whites, nor ought any one who had the feelings of a man.  When answered, "We are slaves," he would sarcastically and indignantly reply, "You deserve to remain slaves;" and if he were further asked, "What can we do?" he would remark, "Go and buy a spelling-book and read the fable of Hercules and the Wagoner," which he would then repeat, and apply it to their situation.  He also sourced every opportunity of entering into conversation with white persons when they could be overheard by negroes near by, especially in grog-shops--during which conversation he would artfully introduce some bold remark on slavery; and sometimes, when, from the character he was conversing with, he found he might still be bolder, he would go so far, that, had not his declarations in such situations been clearly proved, they would scarcely have been credited.  He continued this course until some time after the commencement of the last winter; by which time he had not only obtained incredible influence amongst persons of color, but many feared him more than their owners, and, one of them declared, even more than his God.'

It was proved against him that his house had been the principal place of meeting for the conspirators, that all the others habitually referred to him as the leader, and that he had
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