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494     DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.      JULY, 1861
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laws of war, and because the moment you place a military commander in a district which is the theater of war, the laws of war apply to that district. * * * *

I might furnish a thousand proofs to show that the pretensions of gentlemen to the sanctity of their municipal institutions under a state of actual invasion and of actual war whether servile civil or foreign, is wholly unfounded, and that the laws of war do, in all such cases take the precedence.  I lay this down as the law of nations.  I say that military authority takes, for the time, the place of "all municipal institutions, and slavery among the rest ; and that, under that state of things, so far from its being rue that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the President of the United States, but the commander of the army, has power to order the universal emancipation of the slaves.  I have given here more in detail a principle which I have asserted on this floor before now, and of which I have no more doubt than that you, sir, occupy that chair.  I give it in its development, in order that any gentleman from any part of the Union, may, if he thinks proper, deny the truth of the position, and may maintain his denial;--not by indignation, not by passion and fury, but by sound and sober reasoning from the laws of nations and the laws of war.  And if my position can be answered and refuted I shall receive the refutation with pleasure; I shall be glad to listen to reason, aside, as I say, from indignation and passion.  And if, by the force of reasoning, my understanding can be convinced, I here pledge myself to recant what I have asserts.

Let my position be answered ; let me be told, let my constituents be told, the people of my State be told--a State whose soil tolerates not the foot of a slave--that they are bound by the Constitution to a long and toilsome march under burning summer suns and a deadly Southern clime for the suppression of a servile war ; that they are bound to leave their bodies to rot upon the sands of Carolina. 'to leave their wives, widows and their children orphans ; that those who cannot march are bound to pour out their treasures while their sons or brothers are pouring out their blood to suppress a servile, combined with a civil or a foreign war, and yet that there exists no power beyond the limits of the slave State where such war is raging to emancipate the slaves.  I say, let this be proved ; I am open to conviction ; but till that conviction comes, I put it forth not as a dictate of feeling, but as a settled maxim of the law of nations, that in such a case, the military supersedes the civil power ; and on this account I should have been obliged to vote, as I have said, against one of the resolutions of my excellent friend from Ohio, (Mr. Giddings,) or should at least have required that it be amended in conformity with the Constitution of the United States.

It is remarkable, that while thus broadly challenged, no Southern member of Congress attempted, either at the time or subsequently, any refutation of Mr. Adams's statement of the laws of war as applied to slavery.
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DR. TYNY ON SLAVERY.--The Rev. Dr. Tyng of New York, in the course of his speech at the recent meeting of the American Tract Society of Boston, made the following remarks:

'Slaveholding--that is, holding men and women in bondage--was a crime.  Hear me, added he, as the audience was uproarious with applause, slavery ought to be abolished ; slavery must be abolished ; slavery can be abolished ; slavery shall be abolished ; slavery will be abolished by this war.  If to believe that, and to work for it is Abolitionism, then I am an Abolitionist.'

Quoting from a South-side clergyman, who argued that slavery was a divine institution:

'Yes,' said the Doctor, 'as hell is a divine institution, and destined, I hope, to go to the devil with the close of this war.'
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THE STAMPEDE OF FREEDOM

The beacon of war stands aloft enkindled,
And the carnage is begun;
The blood of brother and brother is mingled,
And busy is sword and gun.

This is no moment to flag or weary,
Or to ask, 'Oh! Lord, how long?'
The way may be dark, and sad, and dreary,
And success may appear with the wrong.

But courage, faint heart, and sink not
Into dull and blank despair;
Onward, right onward, the march must be, 
If Justice and Right are there.

The chains are heavy, the backs are breaking
With a lead to sad to be borne;
And far and wide must be the awaking
That the chains from these backs may be torn.

If not sunder'd now, those chains will be stronger,
And the rivers more firmly cast;
The pull of our friends must be BROADER and longer
Than e'er it has been in the past.

PARTIES must break up and cling together
To crush this hideous power;
ALL friends of the slave must unite and weather
This dark and perilous hour.

And Oh! Britannia will fail us never!
But a SECOND battle fight [ever
For the slave, who blesses her lov'd shores
As the land of Freedom and Right.

In a struggle so sacred SHE cannot waver, 
Or go back from her onward route;
Perish the thought that she ever can favor
What her sons spend their lives to root out!

In Europe the knell of the tyrant is sounding,
And the waves of Freedom roll
With a tideless, steady and onward bounding
That will spread from pole to pole.

Then courage, faint heart, and sink not
Into dull and dark despair;
Onward, right onward the march must be,
If Justice and Right are there.

M.A. CLARKE.
EDINBURGH, May 7th, 1861
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LORD EROUGHAM ON THE ANNEXATION OF SAN DOMINGO
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Lord BROUGHAM offered the following remarks in the English House of Lords, May 28th, on the Offences in Territories near Sierra Leone Prevention Bill:

Lord BROUGHAM said he highly approved this bill.  He thought it absolutely essential that extension should be given to the jurisdiction of Sierra Leone.  He considered that this bill improved the constitution of that colony, and tended to increase the benefits which we had given by it to the unhappy people of Africa, being, as Mr. Pitt once observed, a very, very small compensation for all the evil which we had been a party to inflicting upon them.  These evils had been continued to the greatest extent, and in a far greater degree than any act of ours, by the extension of that jurisdiction, how beneficial, so-ever, could tend to remedy.  He alluded to the atrocious conduct of Spain in that increase of the African slave trade, which, not withstanding the treaties entered into, and the sums of money actually paid as compensation, and increased from 12,000 slaves imported in 1857 to 16,000 in 1858, and to no less than 40,000 in the year 1859.  Now we found that Spain was increasing her dominions in the West Indies; and he was by no means satisfied with the assurance given him, when he last brought this matter before the House, that there was no intention of extending slavery, 
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and thereby also, as a consequence, the slave trade, to that territory.  Having had access to the decree of annexation by the Spanish Government since he last addressed their lordships, he found it stated that 'it was impossible to reject the prayers of a whole nation imploring re-admission into the bosom of the mother country.'  So said the Spanish Government.  What said the Governor of Hayti, Gen. Geffrard?  He distinctly called that statement an absolute falsehood.  He denied that there was any imploring of the people there to be admitted into the bosom of the mother country, and added that in their circumstances it was utterly impossible that the free will of the people could be known; for Gen. Santana had established the reign of terror so entirely over them that 'they,' to use Gen. Geffrard's own expression, 'trembling under it, could manifest no free will.'-- The decree stated that the annexation of San Domingo had taken place, and the same decree went on to say: 'Already the Spanish flag is flying under that sky where the immortal Columbus had borne it, with the Gospel in his hand, to plant that civilization the most glorious of all then known.'  Royal memories were proverbially short; else, had the Spanish Government recollected their treatment of Columbus, they would have been ashamed to name that man whose immortal services they had requited by sending him home in chains, which were struck off, no doubt, in compliance with the popular indignation, but which he required to be buried with him when a few years afterwards he died in absolute want.  It was also a sample of their short memory that they referred to 'the Gospel which he carried in his hand,' and which the Spanish Government desecrated by a series of constant ruthless persecutions.  And as to the civilization which they bragged of having given to the New World, it was testified by their exterminating the natives by packs of bloodhounds.  He observed that the decree said, 'Slavery, the inevitable evil of the other colonies, is altogether unnecessary for the cultivation of that fertile territory.'  Was San Domingo more fertile than Cuba?  Nothing of the kind.  And it went on to add that 'there is no intention of re establishing slavery there.' -- He did not know what the intention might be.  Perhaps there was no intention of establishing the slave trade when the Spanish Government bargained for a sum of money for putting it down, instead of extending it, and yet they had extended it.  The means they took to carry on the government of their new acquisition were not such as gave him any very great confidence in their want of intention to establish slavery there.  For to whom did they intrust the execution of this decree.  The execution of the decree of annexation was intrusted to the Captain General of Cuba, who was to take necessary means of carrying it into execution.  Now, if there was a Captain General in all the world whom he should trust less than another for not planting slavery again in San Domingo it would be the Captain-General of Cuba.  He should have absolute confidence in him for extending the establishment of slavery in that part of the Spanish dominions.  He regarded with the utmost possible surprise this conduct of the Spanish Government, and, recollecting their conduct on the slave trade in the island of Cuba, he was not in the least degree moved by the disavowal of their intention to introduce slavery into San Domingo, being perfectly convinced that they would re-establish it there if they had any occasion or temptation to do so.  Cuba had now been for years and years a refuge of all the distressed nobles of the highest rank at the Court of Madrid when sunk in poverty by their own extravagance and loaded with debt, who returned in a year or two afterward full of plunder, which plunder consisted of the fees paid to them for the evasion of the abolition law and the introduction of slaves.

The bill then went through committee.
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--- It is estimated that the Federal Government has not less than 300,000 troops now under its control.
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