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SEPTEMBER, 1861.     DOUGLAS MONTHLY     515

right to be protected by our army, it will be impossible not to recognize its right to be protected by Congress; and already we see a leading Republican journal in this State urging the acceptance of the CRITTENDEN Compromise, by which the system of slavery shall be established in all territory south of 36[[degree symbol]] 30 min. of north latitude.  The way to put an end to any further sham compromises is to put an end to the hateful thing itself, which is the subject of them; and whatever the slave-driving rebels may say, the plain people of the country will accept the proposition of emancipation with the utmost satisfaction.

Another evil of the policy of protecting and preserving slavery, is that it deprives us of the important aid which might be rendered to the Government by the four million slaves. These people are repelled by our slaveholding policy. They have their hopes of deliverance from bondage destroyed. They hesitate now; but if our policy is pursued, they will not need to be compelled by JEFFORSON DAVIS to fight against us. They will do it from choice, and with a will - deeming it better

'To endure those ills they have, 
Than fly to others they know not of.'

If they must remain slaves, they would rather fight for than against the masters which we of the North mean to compel them to serve. Who can blame them? They are men, and like men governed by their interests. They are capable of love and hate. They can be friends, and they can be foes. The policy of our Government serves to make them our foes, when it should endeavor by all means to make them our friends and allies. 

A third evil of this policy, is the chilling effect it exerts upon the moral sentiment of mankind.  Vast is the power of the sympathy of the civilized world.  DANIEL WEBSTER once said that it was more powerful than 'lightning, whirlwind or earthquake.' -- This vast and invisible power is now evidently not with us.  On the briny wing of every eastern gale there comes a depressing chill to the North, while to the South it brings encouragement and hope.  Our policy gives the rebels the advantage of seeming to be merely fighting for the right to govern themselves.  We divest the war on our part of all those grand elements of progress and philanthropy that naturally win the hearts and command the reverence of all men, and allow it to assume the form of a meaningless display of brute force.  The idea that people have a right to govern themselves, whether true or false, has a very strong hold upon the minds of men throughout the world.  They naturally side with those who assert this right by force in any part of the world.  The example of America has done much to impress this idea upon mankind, and the growing sympathy of the world seems now far more likely to bring some LAFAYETTE with an army of twenty thousand men to aid the rebels, than some GARIBALDI to aid the Government in suppressing the rebels.  Our slaveholding, slave-catching and slave insurrection policy gives to the South the sympathy which would naturally and certainly flow towards us, and which would be mightier than lightning, whirlwind or earthquake in extinguishing the flames of this momentous slaveholding war.

Another evil arising from this mischievous slaveholding policy, is that it invites the interference of other Governments with our blockade.  Break up the blockade, and the war is ended, and the rebels are victorious, and the South is independent.  It is already evident that France and England will not long endure a war whose only effect is to starve thousands of their people, slaughter thousands of our own, and sink millions of money.  If they are to suffer with us, they will demand --and they have a perfect right to demand-- That something shall be gained to the cause of humanity and civilization.  Let the war be made an abolition war, and no statesman in England or France would dare even, if inclined, to propose any disturbance of the blockade.  Make this an abolition war, and you at once unite the world against the rebels, and in favor of the Government.


SHALL SLAVERY SURVIVE THE WAR?


Slavery has existed in this country from the time of its settlement until now.  The moral sentiment of the people has often revolted at it, and good men, during more than a century, have labored and prayed, with more or less earnestness, for its abolition; but the huge system of barbarism, the only great disturbing force in the social relations of the people has thus far resisted successfully all efforts for its complete eradication.  It has not only ruined the bodies and blighted the best hopes of the robbed and plundered slave, but it has cursed with blight and mildew the very soil of the best part of the United States.  At last, for its sake, the slaveholders have plunged the nation into all the horrors of civil war, and have thus raised again, more eloquently than a thousand abolition tongues and presses could do, the question, Shall the days of slavery now be numbered, or shall it go on and feed ever more upon human flesh and blood, and be a constant source of disagreement and quarrel hereafter, as heretofore, between the two great sections of the Republic?  One point is at least settled beyond all possible doubt, and that is, that but for slavery the country would have escaped both the Florida and the Mexican wars, with all their terrible consequences, and enjoying now all the manifold blessings of peace and prosperity.  Those who refuse to see that slavery is an evil to the slave, nevertheless very easily see that it is the monster parent of nearly all the mischiefs we have suffered and are still suffering.  Those who have been leading men in the Democratic, slaveholding party, ready to do any service of the slaveholders, are now very openly speaking about the abolition of slavery.  They sometimes go still further, and declare that the system of slavery ought not to survive this war.  They do not feel for the negro; but without this reason, would have the great National Nuisance abolished.  They see that it is a curse upon free labor, degrades toil in every community where it is established, and is the pregnant source of nearly all out national troubles.

One other point is also settled.  This it is:  Slavery and free institutions can never live peaceably together.  They are irreconcilable in the light of the laws of social affinities. -- How can two walk together, except they be agreed.  Water and oil will not mix.  Ever more, stir them as you will, the water will go to its place, and the oil to its.  There are elective affinities in the moral chemistry of the universe, as well as in the physical, and the 

laws controlling them are unceasingly operative and irrepealable.  If slavery and freedom have at any time been at peace, it has only bee so when one was completely under the heel of the other.  Legislation which springs naturally from the sentiments and ideas of non-slaveholders, can never be palatable to slaveholders who are, in the nature of their relation to society, a privileged class, and must have special protection.  The submission and deference which the people see practiced toward them by their slaves, speedily defuses itself among the people, and they measurably imitate the behavior of the slaves.  The slave pulls off his hat, the poor man touches his, and the slave-master is thus taught by common consent to regard himself as belonging to a privileged class.  The lesson is learned naturally on both sides, and is the inevitable result of the relation.  The slaveholder must be master of society, otherwise he cannot long be master of his slaves.  There are times when slaves must be hunted, whipped and hanged, and they always need watching.  All of this must be done by the non-slaveholding, or what is called 'poor white trash,' the common name for poor white people at the South.  They must give up the thoughts, words and bearing of free men, or the dingy rafters of human bondage topples about their heads.  Liberty of conscience, of speech, and of the press has no real life in a slave State, and can have none for any considerable length of time.  It must either overthrow slavery, or be itself overthrown by slavery.  'No man can serve two masters.'  No society can long uphold two systems radically different and point blankly opposed, like slavery and freedom. -- The slaveholders know this and act accordingly.  The very moment they lost all hope of controlling and directing the Government, they set themselves logically to the work of destroying the Government.

Such is the natural and necessary social philosophy of slavery.  The truth of the representation is confirmed by every hour of the history of slavery in this country.  Looking at this social relation of slavery in connection with the vast conspiracy which it has caused, and the heavy train of dire calamities it is carrying through the land, the people, statesman and citizen, men of every grade and position in life, if from no other motive than that of the preservation of their own liberty, should set themselves about putting down slavery and abolishing it forever.  The thought of allowing the gigantic iniquity to survive the war should be utterly scouted.  Retain cholera, small pox, yellow fever, or any other disease or epidemic among you, which only kill the body; but the moral blight, the soul plague and withering curse, which is now raining desolations upon the land, should now be scattered with all its guilty profits to the winds.  To those who ask how this can be done, we answer - where there is a will, there is a way.  The American people have only to have the will to find the way.


-- Among the passengers of the Persia, which arrived recently at New York, was the Rev. Dr. Cheever, who has been absent in Great Britain since July, 1860.  On his arrival he was received by a large number of his friends, who accompanied him to his residence.  His efforts to enlighten the British public upon the causes of the present war, and the importance of maintaining the Union of these States have been attended with great success.

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