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516     DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.     SEPTEMBER, 1861


FIGHTING REBELS WITH ONLY ONE HAND.

What upon earth is the matter with the American Government and people?  Do they really covet the world's ridicule as well as their own social and political ruin?  What are they thinking about, or don't they condescend to think at all?  So, indeed, it would seem from their blindness in dealing with the tremendous issue now upon them.  Was there ever any thing like it before?   They are sorely pressed on every hand by a vast army of slaveholding rebels, flushed with success, and infuriated by the darkest inspirations of a deadly hate; bound to rule or ruin.  Washington, the seat of Government, after ten thousand assurances to the contrary, is now positively in danger of falling before the rebel army.  Maryland, a little while ago considered safe for the Union, is now admitted to be studded with the materials for insurrection, and which may flame forth at any moment.—Every resource of the nation, whether of men or money, whether of wisdom or strength, could be well employed to avert the impending ruin.  Yet most evidently the demands of the hour are not comprehended by the Cabinet or the crowd.  Our Presidents, Governors, Generals and Secretaries are calling, with almost frantic vehemence, for men.—'Men! men! send us men!' they scream, or the cause of the Union is gone, the life of a great nation is ruthlessly sacrificed, and the hopes of a great nation go out in darkness; and yet these very officers, representing the people and Government, steadily and persistently refuse to receive the very class of men which have a deeper interest in the defeat and humiliation of the rebels, than all the others.--Men are wanted in Missouri—wanted in Western Virginia, to hold and defend what has already been gained; they are wanted in Texas and all along the sea coast, and tho' the Government has at its command a class in the country deeply interested in suppressing the insurrection, it sternly refuses to summon from among that vast multitude a single man, and degrades and insults the whole class by refusing to allow any of their number to defend with their strong arms and brave hearts the national cause.  What a spectacle of blind, unreasoning prejudice and pusillanimity is this!  The national edifice is on fire.  Every man who can carry a bucket of water, or remove a brick, is wanted; but those who have the care of the building, having a profound respect for the feeling of the national burglars who set the building on fire, are determined that the flames shall only be extinguished by Indoo-Caucasian hands, and to have the building burnt rather than save it by means of any other.  Such is the pride, the stupid prejudice and folly that rules the hour.

Why does the Government reject the negro?  Is he not a man?  Can he not wield a sword, fire a gun, march and countermarch, and obey orders like any other?  Is there the least reason to believe that a regiment of well-drilled negroes would deport themselves less soldier-like on the battle field than the raw troops gathered up generally from the towns and cities of the State of New York?  We do believe that such soldiers, if allowed now to take up arms in defence of the Government, and made to feel that they are hereafter to be recognized as persons having rights, would set the highest example of order and general good behavior to their fellow soldiers, and in every way add to the national power.

If persons so humble as we could be allowed to speak to the President of the United States, we should ask him if this dark and terrible hour of the nation's extremity is a time for consulting a mere vulgar and unnatural prejudice?  We should ask him if national preservation and necessity were not better guides in this emergency than either the tastes of the rebels, or the pride and prejudices of the vulgar?  We would tell him that General JACKSON in a slave State fought side by side with negroes at New Orleans, and like a true man, despising meanness, he bore testimony to their bravery at the close of the war.  We would tell him that colored men in Rhode Island and Connecticut performed their full share in the war of the Revolution, and that men of the same color, such as the noble SHIELDS GREEN, NATHANIEL TURNER and DENMARK VESEY stand ready to peril every thing at the command of the Government.  We would tell him that this is no time to fight with one hand, when both are needed; that this is no time to fight only with your white hand, and allow your black hand to remain tied.

Whatever may be the folly and absurdity of the North, the South at least is true and wise.  The Southern papers no longer indulge in the vulgar expressions, 

'free niggers.'  That class of bipeds are now called 'colored residents.'  The Charleston papers say:  'The colored residents of this city can challenge comparison with their class, in any city or town, in loyalty or devotion to the cause of the South.  Many of them individually, and without ostentation, have been contributing liberally, and on Wednesday evening, the 7th inst., a very large meeting was held by them, and a Committee appointed to provide far more efficient aid.  The proceedings of the meeting will appear in results hereafter to be reported.'

It is now pretty well established, that there are at the present moment many colored men in the Confederate army doing duty not only as cooks, servants and laborers, but as soldiers, having muskets on their shoulders, and bullets in their pockets, ready to shoot down loyal troops, and do all that soldiers may to destroy the Federal Government and build up that of the traitors and rebels.  There were such soldiers at Manassas, and they are probably there still.  There is a negro in the army as well as in the fence, and our Government is likely to find it out before the war comes to an end.  That the negroes are numerous in the rebel army, and do for that army its heaviest work, is beyond question.  They have been the chief laborers upon those temporary defences in which the rebels have been able to mow down our men.  Negroes helped to build the batteries at Charleston.  They relieve their gentlemanly and military masters from stiffening drudgery of the camp, and devote them to the nimble and dexterous use of arms.  Rising above vulgar prejudice the slaveholding rebel accepts the aid of the black man as readily as that of any other.  If a bad cause can do this, why should a good cause be less wisely conducted?  We insist upon it, that one black regiment in such a war as this is, without being any more brave and orderly, would be worth to the Government more than two of any other; and that, while the Government continues to refuse the aid of colored men, thus alienating them from the rational cause, and giving the rebels the advantage of them, it will not deserve better fortunes than it has thus far experienced.--Men in earnest don't fight with one hand, when they might fight with two, and a man drowning would not refuse to be saved even by a colored hand.


HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET RE-VISITS ENGLAND — Mr. GARNET has sailed for England, and is, doubtless, well on his way to that country.  He leaves us at a critical period of our cause, for all our hopes for our race may now be blest or blasted upon the decision of a single battle.  Much as we need him here to cheer and defend us from the assaults of our enemies, we know also that he can do much for us in Great Britain.  The influence of that country is deemed of vast importance to both the regular American Government and to the slaveholding rebels.  We know of no man from amongst us better able to speak, or with a better right to be heard before the British public on this subject than Mr. GARNET.  His color, as well as his high character, will give him influence among the good people of that country, and enable him to battle successfully with the evident sympathy with the slaveholders which a class in that country are endeavoring to create.  Mr. GARNET, although an Emigrationist, still claims this as his country, and means to return to it and spend and be spent in the service of his people in it.  We most cordially commend our respected friend GARNET to the warmest regards and fullest confidence of our friends and readers, and wish him a useful and in ever way successful tour through the British Isles.  His presence and labors there cannot fail to react in our favor here; for in these days of rapid travel, a word spoken abroad soon finds its way home, and often comes with added power.  We shall watch with deep interest the reception given our fiend, and the success attending his labors.


THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY. —  We have received the September issue of this valuable magazine, and from a glance at its contents, (for we have not yet found time to read it,) we should judge that the present number is fully equal to its predecessors.  The publishers (Messrs. Ticknor & Fields, Boston) say that, 'while they will spare no exertions to maintain the high literary position it has gained, they are sensible that in the presence of the great events now agitating the country and the world, something more than a merely literary character is demanded of a journal like the Atlantic. They will aim, therefore, to give to its future issues a political tone in keeping with its high literary standing, devoting much of its space to the discussion of important aspects of the great questions of the day, and giving to its pages additional freshness, variety, and importance, by the presentation, of the best thought, in Prose and Poetry, upon different phases of the nation's great struggle.'  Terms, $3 per annum, postage paid.

Mr Higginson is the author of the Insurrection Papers we are now publishing, copied from the Atlantic.


—Among those lately appointed by the Government to foreign consulships, we observe the names of Thaddeus Hyatt and J. L. Lovejoy, brother of Hon. Owen Lovejoy.  Both 'fanatics' — that is, they were both fanatics before the war drove every body to be so!



       
                                                                                                






















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