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OCTOBER, 1861.   DOUGLASS' MONTHLY  531


by the Government at Washington during the war, but this, we think, is the hugest of them all.  The Government should have thanked their wise and intrepid General for furnishing them an opportunity to convince the country and the world of their earnestness, that they have no terms for traitors;  that with them the heaviest blow is the wisest and best blow ; and that the rebels must be put down at all hazards, and in the most summary and exemplary way.  But, poor souls ! instead of standing by the General, and approving his energetic conduct, they have humbled and crippled him in the presence of his enemies.  The President interposes to cheapen the price of rebellion, and to let the rebels off on the easier terms than that proposed by his faithful General.

We know not upon what maxim of political wisdom the Government has acted in this matter.  The Cabinet is composed of reputed wise men, and the President is respected as honest and humane.  But this policy is plainly one which can only dishearten the friends of the Government and strengthen its enemies.  The Times  newspaper of New York defends the anti-Fremont policy, by alleging that the rigor of that policy would drive the loyal slaveholders in Kentucky and Tennessee into the arms of the rebels.  This assumption would have some weight did FREMONT'S Proclamation propose (as it does not) the liberation of the slaves of loyal masters.  It strikes only at slaveholding rebels; and to suppose that loyal masters would be driven into disloyalty by the well-merited chastisement of slaveholding rebels, implies that, after all, there is a stronger bond existing between these loyal slaveholders and the slaveholding rebels, than subsists between the former and the Government.  Taking this admission to be true, and what is the friendship of these so-called loyal slaveholders worth?  The open hostility of these so-called loyal slaveholders is incomparably to be preferred to their friendship.  They are far more easily dealt with and disposed of as enemies than as allies.  From the beginning, these Border Slave States have been the mill-stone about the neck of the Government, and their so-called loyalty has been the very best shield to the treason of the cotton States.

President LINCOLN says in his letter to Gen. FREMONT, that he accords with the general character of his Proclamation.  One clause of it only is marked for disapproval, and that is the emancipating clause.  Now mark!  The Proclamation imposes that most dreaded of all descriptions of law, (except mob law,) martial law upon Missouri.  The President approves that.  The Proclamation proposes the confiscation of the property of the rebels.  The President approves that.  The Proclamation proposes that convicted rebels, within certain defined lines, 'shall be shot'.  The President approves that.  The Proclamation proposes that the slaves of duly convicted traitors shall be liberated and treated as  free men .—-Here's the rub; the President does not approve that.  Martial law, shooting, confiscation, with all their aggravation, are assented to;  but liberation and freedom to the slave are vetoed by the President of the United States.  The weakness, imbecility and absurdity of this policy are sufficiently manifest without a single word of comment.

^[[2 hand-drawn "X" marks appear on the left- and right-hand sides of the column]]

It still remains to be seem what course Gen.  
FREMONT will take in view of the restrictions which have thus been thrown around him—whether he will continue in his command, resign, or be dismissed.  One thing, however, seems certain: the People confide both in the patriotism and in the ability of FREMONT, and would regard the loss of that able man to the service of the country as little less disastrous and distressing than the defeat of the Government forces by the rebels at Bull Run;  and yet, considering the nature of the humiliation sought to be imposed upon the young and spirited General, his resignation would not be a surprise, though a deep regret to the country.

OUR NATIONAL FAST.

In accordance with President LINCOLN's Proclamation, Thursday, the 26th of September, was generally observed in all the loyal States as a National Fast, a solemn Sabbath, a day of national prayer and humiliation, on account of the dreadful judgments, in the shape of civil war, anarchy and bloodshed, which now desolate the land, and to confess our national sins, and to implore the Divine Aid in our country's deliverance from its manifold evils.  Perhaps, no similar fast wasever more generally observed in this country.  The town, the city and the country presented the appearance of our ordinary Sabbath.— The workshop and the store in the city were deserted in the country.  A great nation went up that day to the altar of their God, in all the solemn pomp and ceremony of religious worship, to beseech and implore His omnipotent intervention in their favor, as against those who have taken up arms for the destruction of their Government.  In matters of this sort the rebels had already outstripped the loyal people.  They had their day of solemn fast and prayer some time ago.— Thursday was our day and no doubt many are looking for marvelous events to follow its solemn observance.  Mankind have always, in great emergencies, sought help of invisible powers.  Even among the slaves, we have noticed that those fresh from the darkness of Africa would make some incantations to invisible powers when in great difficulties.  We once put roots in our pocket to keep COVEY from cutting our back to pieces.  We had little faith in it, and was flogged, and should have been, perhaps, if our faith had been ever so strong.  Nevertheless, the disposition to seek supernatural help when in great trouble, is everywhere evident in the history of mankind.  When all our earthly helps and hopes break down, fail and vanish, the soul goes up to the Eternal and Invisible for help.  Most men now think that the day of miracles is past;  that the rolling thunder of rivers by supernatural agencies, the raining of bread from heaven, the causing the sun to stand still, the direct intervention of a Divine Providence, covering one army with defeat and confusion, and giving victory and security to another, without reference to their relative strength and numbers, is a mode of dealing with the affairs of men no longer resorted to by the Divine Being.  Nevertheless, all feel that in some indescribable way their cause is helped by imitating the example of the Hebrews.  They, therefore, call upon God to fight their battles and give them the victory.  Upon this point we raise no issue. 

There can be no doubt of the subjective good influence of all prayers sincerely uttered for good objects.  Men who pray thus will set about answering their own prayers, whether it be to put down rebels in their own souls, or rebels against the State.  If they really feel that their sins have made them an abhorrence in the sight of God, and that they are miserable and undone creatures, they will seek goodness and endeavor to act more worthily in time to come, by ceasing to do evil and learning to do well.  They will make peace with God only by making peace with themselves.  Of this character are the religious ceremonies and the fasts enjoined by the Prophets.  They respect the rights, duties and responsibilities of individual men toward each other, or practical righteousness as against all forms and ceremonies.

We have little faith in the efficacy of our present fast.  First, because those who proclaimed it failed to recognize the great and all-comprehensive National Sin to which the calamities deplored owe their existence.  Our Government nowhere confesses that slavery is our National Sin, nor exhorts to repentance of it.  "If," says the Psalmist, "I regard iniquity in my heart, the Lord will not hear me."  A frank, specific and honest confession of wrong done, is the first condition of a genuine repentance.  Even among men this is essential to forgiveness and restitution to favor.  Can Infinite Justice accept less?  A man cannot even forgive himself of any violation of law until he has frankly and fully admitted his transgression to himself, and from his inmost soul loathes and detests his own wrong deed.  Nations and men are subject to the same moral law.  Be not deceived.  Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he reap.

We have very little faith in our National Fast, in the second place, because there is no purpose avowed to abolish slavery.  So far as appears from the history and policy of our present Government, it intends hereafter, as it has intended heretofore, to hold and hunt slaves with savage exactness, fulfilling all the alleged slaveholding requirements of the Constitution with as much promptness and fidelity as though no fast have been held, and no mercy had been implored.  The fast is not a repentance of the National Sin, but only of the consequences of That sin.  We deplore the calamity which slavery has brought upon us, but do not deplore slavery itself.— Like the criminal in the hands of the officer of justice, we are less sorry for the theft than for the blunder of allowing ourselves to be caught.  We would fain have the rebellion abolished, but we would not lift a finger to have that which causes the rebellion put down and abolished.  We would have white men enjoy freedom and safety, but would have four millions of black men ground forever in bondage and chains.  Just such fasts were held among the Jews, from whom we have borrowed the practice of great national fasts.  The Prophets denounced them as utterly repugnant to the Divine Mind.  We cannot do better than to quote here the language of Isaiah:

"Hear the word of the Lord, ye rulers of Sodom ; give ear unto the law of our God, ye people of Gomorrah.  To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me? saith the Lord : I am full of the burnt offerings of rams, and the fat of fed beasts ; and I delight not in the blood of bullocks, or of lambs, or of he