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The State of the War - 593
A Recent Visit to Philadelphia - 593
Speech of Frederick Douglass on the War - 594
Gerrit Smith's Letter to Mr. Croswell - 597
Brownson on the Rebellion - 598
A Petition in Favor of Universal Emancipation - 598
Federal Troops attacked by armed Negroes - 598
The Emancipated South Carolinians - 599
Gen. James Lane of Kansas - 600
Can Emancipated Slaves Take Care Of Themselves - 601
Mean Treatment of the Hutchinsons - 602
The Garrisonians and the War - 602
Senator Sumner on the Trent Affair - 603
Dr. Cheever's Lecture in Washington - 603
The English Press on the Surrender of Mason and Slidell - 604
Senator Trumbull's Confiscation Bill - 605
Rev. J. Sella Martin in London - 606
Anti-Slavery Bazaar in Bristol - 607
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We say nothing of its progress——for it has made none, unless getting together a large army on the Potomac, which has remained idle through the Summer, waiting for Autumn——idle through the Winter, waiting for Spring, and which will probably remain idle thro' the Spring, waiting for good roads, thus completing a year of inactivity, money sinking, marching and counter-marching——can be called progress.  In our judgment, the friends of freedom, the Union, and the Constitution, have been most basely betrayed, deceived and swindled, and the sooner they reach a firm conviction of this fact, the better.  What has been done, and promised to be done in sixty days, has not been done in six months; and if the same course is pursued hereafter, as heretofore, by the army and the Government, the Generals and the Cabinet, will not be done in six years.  It is enough to exhaust the patience of Job, to read every morning, for six months, that "all is quiet on the Potomac;" that this and that General was seen to cross the Long Bridge in the morning, and that he returned late in the evening; that the rebels are evidently expecting an attack, which expectation our Generals are determined to disappoint.

The evidence that we are betrayed, multiply all around us.  No man yet who comprehends the true nature of the rebellion, and has shown the needed courage, capacity, genius and determination to put it down, receives the confidence and support of the Government.  Every such man, except General LANE, has been struck down upon the instant of lifting his head above the dead sea of army inactivity; and even LANE is to be tossed into the saddlebags of HUNTER, the enemy and slanderer of Gen. FREMONT.  CAMERON strikes at slavery.  He is sent to Russia, and a Douglas Democrat takes his place.  Butler is affected to tears by what he sees of the enormities of slavery.  He is sent to Vermont to cool down.  STRINGHAM takes on board his
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ship sixteen slaves, and gives them leave to fight for their country.  He is promptly removed from his command.  PHELPS denounces slavery as the cause of the war, and avows that slavery must be put down.  He gets himself denounced as a fool for his honesty and his moral courage.  The HUTCHINSONS sing the songs of liberty by WHITTIER to our army.  They are promptly expelled by order of Gen. MeCLELLAN.  Meanwhile, traitors and rebels are employed as clerks and workmen in every department of the army and Government.  But it is needless to ring the changes on facts like these, to show that we are betrayed.  The simple fact that the Government at Washington, with twenty millions of people at its back, and with two millions of dollars a day in its pocket to spend, and with nearly eight hundred thousand men at its command, has made no progress whatever in suppressing a rebellion in States numbering only six millions, during a period of ten long weary months, is sufficient proof of its treason or its utter incompetency.

Why do the people submit to the standstill, do-nothing policy?  Here it is:  They are still clinging to the delusive idea that the South is poor; that she is shut in from the sea; that she is now suffering untold hardships, and that if we only hold still, she will give over the struggle and come back to loyalty.  The fewer battles the better, says Mr. SEWARD; and the movements, or rather the immovableness of our army on the Potomac is an evidence of the power of his counsels.  Meanwhile, the rebels are as busy as beavers, availing themselves of the privilege of the weaker party to act on the defensive.  They are strengthening their defences, and everywhere multiplying their strength by their activity——so that their cause to-day stands even better than sixty days ago.  Of course, we know not what a day may bring forth; but from present appearances the fate of the Union is sealed.

The rebels will conquer their independece.  The North will become tired of pouring their money into the treasury to carry on a war which does not go on; it will become tired of sending men to the army which is never led to battle.  Surrounding nations will become sick and tired of the dead carcass of a Government which merely stops the gateways of commerce, and does nothing to assert its life power, and depresses the industry of the world; and they will soon determine to put it out of the way by recognizing the independence of the rebel States.  When this is done by one, it will be done by all European Governments, and the war will be virtually ended.

Two things now are required to save us, and both must be done, and done speedily, or we might as well call home our army, recognize Southern independence, pay the expense of the war, and own ourselves a defeated and degraded nation.  The first is, fight and whip the slaveholders; and the other is, confiscate and emancipate the slaves.
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In the forming period of anti-slavery sentiment, when every individual accession to our cause was matter of public rejoicing——when the open profession of anti-slavery principles brought fiery trials to the convert——it seemed highly proper for the anti-slavery Editor and Lecturer to chronicle his travels, and to hold up to public respect and regard those individuals having the courage to stand by the cause of the slave and bear the hardships and trials to which that course exposed them.  But more lately, since the conflict between the country and the Slave Power has become wide-spread and general, and every inch of our small space has been required for recording the incidents of that struggle, we have said little of our travels, and the pleasant or unpleasant interviews which those travels have from time to time afforded us.  We depart from this reserve in this instance, only to express our gratitude and respect for the members of the Philadelphia Library Association, at whose invitation we were called to that city, to get our views of the now raging slaveholding war.

The Philadelphia Library Association is composed of colored citizens.  It is one of long standing, and one of the most creditable of all of their organizations.  There is not perhaps anywhere to be found a city in which prejudice against color is more rampant than in Philadelphia.  Hence, all the incidents of caste are to be seen there in perfection.  It has its white schools and colored schools, its white churches and its colored churches, its white Christianity and its colored Christianity, its white concerts and its colored concerts, its white literary institutions and its colored literary institutions, its white anti-slavery circles and its colored anti-slavery circles; and the line is everywhere tightly drawn between them.——Colored persons, no matter how well dressed or how well behaved, ladies or gentlemen, rich or poor, are not even permitted to ride on any of the many railways through that Christian city.  Halls are rented with the express understanding that no person of color shall be allowed to enter, either to attend a concert or listen to a lecture.  The whole aspect of city usage at this point is mean, contemptible and barbarous.  The colored man is compelled to occupy only what are called the servile positions in life——and few opportunities for acquiring wealth or refinement are open to them——and yet, despite the restrictions laid upon them and the discrimination to bind them into one common bundle of degradation, we could name many comparatively rich men among them, living in fine houses, richly and elegantly furnished, with refined and orderly families, equal in all respects to their more highly favored neighbors.

The colored people of Philadelphia have had a narrow and thorny path to trade for many years; but we predict for them a brighter and better future. If they have made bricks without straw, they will do better
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