Viewing page 6 of 17

This transcription has been completed. Contact us with corrections.

598      DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.      FEBRUARY, 1862
[[line across page]] 

[[3 columns]]

[[column 1]]
[[short line]]

In the last number of Brownson's Quarterly Review we find an able article on the Rebellion, from which we clip the following extract:

These are times when all loyal men must sacrifice on the altar of their country their party, and even their private loves, and, what to most men is still more difficult, their party and their private hatreds, for the Union can be saved only on condition that the whole North present an unbroken front, and, to use a fine Scriptural expression, march on "As one man against the enemy," to put down this wicked and unprovoked rebellion.  The South had never dared to bring her conspiracy to a head, to appeal from ballots to bullets, and to attempt by force of arms to reconstruct or destroy the Union, had she not counted on a divided North, and support from a party which was opposed to Abolition, and even Republicanism, and in elections had always acted under her dictation and sustained her policy.  She expected to find opposed to her only the non fighting Abolitionists and the Republican party, who, both together, constituted only a bare majority of the population of the non-slaveholding States; and if her expectations in this respect had been realized, she would, in all probability, have been able to succeed.  Whatever, then, tends to keep the North divided, and to prevent the loyal States from entering into the contest with the hearty sympathy and co-operation of their whole population, is really and undeniably aid and comfort given to the enemy, and is, therefore, under the Constitution of the United States, virtually, if not formally, treason.

Party divisions, and especially party rivalries and animosities, are now mistimed and mischievous.  They weaken the friends of the Union and strengthen the hands of the rebels.  We know and can afford to know, until the rebellion is crushed out, no party divisions, and no division but that between loyalists and rebels.  Hushed should be all party strife between loyal men, and even the usual odium theologicum should be suppressed.  All loyal men——Protestants or Catholics, Democrats or Abolitionists, whether black or white, red or yellow——who are prepared to stand by our common country, and defend it, if need be, even to the last grasp, are of our party, are our friends, our brothers, and we give them our hand and our heart.  If there are differences between us to be settled, we will adjourn them till we have put down the rebellion, saved the Union, and made it sure that we have a country, homes, and fire-sides that we may enjoy peace and safety; and when that is done, perhaps, it will be found that most of those differences will have settled themselves, or, at least, so far as personal or political, not worth reviving.  We must be united, and not like the maddened Jews when their chief city was beleaguered by the Roman cohorts, and Roman battering-rams were beating down the walls of their citadel, divided into factions, and wasting, in spilling each other's blood, the strength needed to save our national existence from destruction.

This is no time for any man to make war on Abolitionists, and to crack stale jokes about an "Abolition Brigade," and the valor or want of valor of its suggested Brigadier.  Such things are untimely and mischievous.——The very existence of the nation is threatened, and threatened, not by Abolitionists or their sympathizers, but by the slaveholding aristocracy of the South, and their dupes, tools, aiders and abettors, in the loyal States——men who have no Abolition sympathies, but as strong antipathy to all Abolitionists as John Randolph, of Roanoke, had to sheep, which made him to say that he would at any time go a mile out of his way to give one a kick.  The danger that threatens us is not on the side of Abolitionists, but on the side of the friends and the side of slavery, and very ordinary wisdom would counsel us, if we are true men, to face the danger where it is——not where it is not.  There is no use in trying to
[[/column 1]]

[[column 2]]
gain credit with the loyal North by saying the Union must be sustained, and with the disloyal South by vituperating Abolitionists, and denouncing as Abolitionists all who would not indeed overstep the Constitution to abolish slavery, but would abolish slavery as a means of saving the Constitution.  No man can now be suffered to say:——"Good Lord and good Devil!'  He must choose either the Lord's side or the Devil's side, and take the consequences of success or failure.

"Under which king, Bezonian?  Speak or die!"

[[short line]]

The undersigned, having prepared with care, and after mature deliberation, the accompanying petition on the subject of "Emancipation," recommend it to the public for general adoption and circulation.  Copies may be obtained from either of the subscribers.

NEW YORK, January, 1862.

W. C. Bryant,        
J. W. Edmonds,       
Wm. Goodell,         
Edward Gilbert,      
Edgar Ketchum,       
James Wiggins,       
S. S. Jocelyn,       
Dexter Fairbanks,    
Charles Gould,       
H. A. Hartt, M. D.,  
Mansfield French,    
John T. Wilson,      
Samuel Wilder,       
Wm. Curtis Noyes,
James McKaye,
J. E. Ambrose,
Nathan Brown,
And. W. Morgan,
G. B. Cheever, D.D.
J. R. W. Sloane,
James Freeland,
Alex. Wilder,
Oliver Johnson,
Andrew Bowdoin,
Theodore Tilton,
Wm. C. Russell.
[[short line]]


To the Pres'dent of the United States, and to Congress:

The people of the United States represent:  That they recognize as lying at the very foundation of our Government, on which has been erected the fabric of our free institutions, the solemn and undying truth that by nature all men are endowed with an unalienable right to liberty.

That, so far as this truth has been in any respect departed from by any of our people, or by any course of events, the toleration of such departure has been caused by an overshadowing attachment to the Union, and by conscientious fidelity to those with whom we had voluntarily united in forming a great example of Free Government.

That such departure——whether willing or unwilling, whether excusable or censurable——has nevertheless given birth to a mighty power in our midst——a power which has consigned 4,000,000 of our people to slavery, and arrayed 6,000,000 in rebellion against the very existence of our Government; which for three-quarters of a century has disturbed the peace and harmony of the nation, and which has now armed nearly half a million of people against the Union which has been hitherto so dear to the lovers of Freedom throughout the world.

That by the very act of the slave power itself, we have, all of us, been released from every obligation to tolerate any longer its existence among us.

That we are admonished——and day by day the conviction is gathering strength among us——that no harmony can be restored to the nation, no peace brought back to the people, no perpetuity secured to our Union, no permanency established for our Government, no hope elicited for the continuance of our freedom, until slavery shall be wiped out of the land utterly and forever.

Therefore, we who now address you, as co-heirs with you in the great inheritance of freedom, and as free men of America, most earnestly urge upon the President, and upon Congress——

That amid the varied events which are constantly occurring, and which will more and more occur, during the momentous struggle in which we are engaged, such measures may be adopted as will insure emancipation to all the people throughout the whole land, and thus complete the work which the Revolution began.
[[/column 2]]

[[column 3]]
[[short line]]

A member of the Indiana 20th Regiment, now encamped near Fortress Monroe, writes to the Indianapolis Journal, December 23d, as follows:

Yesterday morning, Gen. Mansfield, with Drake de Kay, Aid-de-Camp, in command of seven companies of the 20th New York, German Rifles, left Newport News on a reconnoissance.  Just after passing Newmarket Bridge, seven miles from camp, they detached one company as an advance, and soon after their advance was attacked by 600 of the enemy's cavalry.

The company formed to receive cavalry, but the cavalry advancing deployed to the right and left when within musket range, and unmasked a body of seven hundred negro infantry, all armed with muskets, who opened fire on our men, wounding two lieutenants and two privates, and rushing forward surrounded the company of Germans, who cut their way through, killing six of the negroes and wounding several more.  The main body, hearing the firing, advanced at a double-quick in time to recover their wounded and drive the enemy back, but did not succeed in taking any prisoners.  The wounded men testify positively that they were shot by negroes, and that no less than seven hundred were present, armed with muskets.

This is, indeed, a new feature in the war.——We have heard of a regiment of negroes at Manassas, and another at Memphis, and still another at New Orleans, but did not believe it till it came so near home and attacked our men.  There is no mistake about it.  The 20th German were actually attacked and fired on and wounded by negroes.

It is time that this thing was understood, and if they fight us with negroes, why should not we fight them with negroes too?  We have disbelieved these reports too long, and now let us fight the devil with fire.  The feeling is intense among the men.  The want to know if they came here to fight negroes, and if they did they would like to know it.——The wounded men swear they will kill any negro they see, so excited are they at the dastardly act.  It remains to be seen how long the Government will now hesitate, when they learn these facts.  One of the Lieuts. was shot in the back part of the neck, and is not expected to live.

The above is confirmed by an officer who took part in the fight, who is ready to make affidavit that the armed negroes, flanked by whites, formed the enemy's centre, and that they fought better than their fellow-soldiers.  The bodies of those of them who fell were carried away, two white corpses alone being left on the field.

GEN. McCLELLAN AND THE DISPOSAL OF FUGITIVE SLAVES ——Some time ago, General Hooker asked Gen. McClellan what he should do with 50 or 60 fugitive slaves, who were within his lines at Budd's Ferry.  Gen. McClellan replied with an order, directing him to inquire into each case whether the fugitive from bondage had or had not been employed in the military service of the enemy.  If he had been, Gen. Hooker should employ him; if he had not, he should exclude him from his lines, thus temporarily liberating him and leaving the final disposition of the bondmen to the civil authorities.  It is understood that a similar rule will hereafter be applied in every case occurring within the army of the Potomac.  Further than this, Gen. McClellan is believed to be unwilling to go in the absence of other legislation than that of the July session of Congress.

Judge Shipman has delivered an opinion in the United States District Court, New York, awarding $17,000 salvage to Tillman, the colored man who, after killing three of the prize crew from the privateer Jeff Davis, brought the schooner Waring to New York.
[[/column 3]]