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612 DOUGLASS' MONTHLY. MARCH, 1862 [[3 ruled columns]] [[column 1]] should suffer as little as possible from the struggle which was going on; desirous on the other hand, to show its respects for the internal rights and independence of another country, it could only pursue one line of policy to attain the double object it had in view—the strict observance of neutrality. Consequently while maintaining wishes for the maintenance of the American Union on those conditions which had until very recently appeared best calculated to secure its prosperity; while being disposed, if it were solicited to do so, to contribute by its good offices to put an end to a deplorable struggle, it hastened on the one hand, to remain its subjects of the duties imposed upon them by that neutrality, the benefit of which it (the imperial government) claimed in their behalf; and, on the other, to lay down the principles which it expected the belligerents to respect. We have obtained in this latter respect satisfactory declarations, and, if it did not rest with the Emperor's Government to do away with all the embarrassments which a state of war on any part of the globe always involves the principle the application of which the belligerents have admitted will at least have the effect of preventing those injuries which must otherwise have aggravated the sufferings inevitably caused by the present state of things. Touching the case of the Trent, the Blue Book says: The Imperial Government has acted in conformity with those same views and sentiments, with respect to the recent incident, which for a time gave reason to apprehend a still more serious disturbance of the peace of the world. Faithful to its political friendships, as well as to the traditions of France, the Government thought itself bound to express officially, but frankly, its opinion in an act which appeared to place in question the rights and guarantees justly claimed by neutrals, and which at the same time, might bring about a collision between Great Britain and the United States—While congratulating ourselves, in the interest of all parties, on the settlement which has taken place, we are, as far as we ourselves are concerned, happy at the assent with which our opinion has been received in all quarters, and at the feeling which the step we had taken has called forth both at Washington and London. [[line]] FREDERICK DOUGLASS ON THE WAR—The announcement that Frederick Douglass would speak on the War, at the Cooper Institute, on Wednesday evening, the 12th inst., attracted a large and very intelligent audience, embracing many of the well-known friends of freedom, and not a few of the class whose prejudices would not until very recently, have permitted them to attend an anti-slavery gathering of any sort. It was the first time for many years that we had heard a speech from Mr. Douglass, and the only time that we ever heard him deliver a written address. His manuscript appeared to embarrass him somewhat, and there was some abatement of the fire that characterized his extemporaneous efforts ten or fifteen years ago; but his matter was excellent, and his manner such as to command the close attention of his audience. — The reading, moreover, was occassionally enlivened by spontaneous flashes of wit, and some passages were made very impressive by the dramatic power with which they were uttered. The audience evinced their satisfaction by frequent and hearty applause, and we heard more than one competent judge express the opinion that no more effective discourse on the war had been delivered in this city. The lecture was published in full in the Tribune of the next day, and our readers will find in another column an extract embracing some of its best points. Mr. Douglass was felicitously introduced by Rev. H. H. Garnett. The branch of the Hutchinson Family lately expelled by Gen. McClellan from the camps on the Potomac being unexpectedly present, gratified the audience by singing two or three pieces—one of them "the prohibited song," and another "The John Brown hymn." — [[/column 1]] [[column 2]] Superintendent Kennedy was present with a considerable force of policemen, but there was no occasion for their services. Since the Herald failed so signally in its recent attempt to mob Wendell Phillips, the enemies of freedom in this city appear to have remembered the axiom that discretion is the better part of valor. — [[italics]] A. S. Standard [[/italics]] [[line]] AN ELOQUENT APPEAL. — A man of genius, with fire in his blood and eloquence on his lips, stood one evening last week in Cooper Institute and touched two thousand hearts. Nor was the spell of the hour any less charming because the orator was of a dusky skin, pleading for his brethren of the same race. He had been a slave, and escaped into freedom—He had known, as he said, the luxury of being his own master. But how unfitting and improper it is that a negro, being something less than a man, should have earned for himself an honest fame as one of the most brilliant orators in the United States! Such is the fame of Frederick Douglass, and his title to it is true and merited. HIs lecture of course drew a throng. A spectator looking at the audience would have recognized the same intelligent faces which always greet Charles Sumner and Wendell Phillips in the same place. The speech was full of power, pathos, logic, wit, and satire; alternately convulsing the house with laughter, rousing it to cheers, and now and then thrilling it into that muteness and awe which more highly compliment an orator than any applause. The half weird and fascinating effect of that speech can never be forgotten by anyone who heard it. The orator is a true and noble man, speaking out of the depths of a heart which has known the bitterness of bondage as no white man can kown it, and therefore when he speaks it is with the tongue of fire. May he live to see the day when there shall be no more need of such appeals! — [[italics]] N. Y. Independent. [[/italics]] [[line]] [[bold]] INTERESTING EXTRACTS. [[/bold]] --- From the Pionier (German) translated by G. Bastian Esq., for Douglass Monthly. JOHN BROWN. "A POLITICAL GUIDE" translated from the Pionier of Dec. 10, 1859. The 2d day of Dec. at 11 o'clock the State of Virginia led him to the Executioner's cart. He seated himself up on the box which contained his coffin and looked around him calmly and serene, just as if he was taking a ride for Pleasure. — All around him every thing glittered of muskets and from the flaunt of the armed executioners servants. He wondered not to get a sight of any citizen anywhere, the 2nd of Dec. were only executioners and executioners servants in the State of Virginia. On the arrival at the place where the murder was committed, Brown walked a head of the State Virginia with steadfast step : He was the first one upon the scaffold. The executor shackled his arms and hands, laid the rope of cotton, which was raised in South Carolina, around his neck put the cap over his face and requested him to step forward upon the eventual platform. "You must lead me" replied Brown, "You have drawn that thing over my face, so that I cannot see." — The executioner lead him upon the platform and offered him a handkerchief to give the signal with. Brown did not need a signal. — There at once, gave the State of Virginia through the voice of the commander of the armed executioners servants the command : Halt. The executioners servants had not formed in line yet, according to the well designed battle-plan, to receive the approaching enemy from abroad. It required a manœuvre yet of at least ten minutes, until the Heroes all were ready for battle. The hoary grown [[/column 2]] [[column 3]] Hero of Liberty 63 years of age, covered with wounds whom when bleeding yet the State of Virginia dragged before the tribunal of conspirator's not jurors, and whom they hardly gave a few weeks time for recovery and a few hours to depart from his wife, was so exhibited, upon the scaffold the rope of cotton around his neck, the cap over his face, nearly a quarter of an hour under the pretences of a stupid Execution comedy! For ten minutes of which every second was an expectation of death, the State of Virginia delighted itself on the looks of her victim in the expectation to see him grow weak under the horrible test at least. But every inch of him remained a Hero and instead of his piercing eyes the dull death cap gleamed despise upon the gang of Hangmen, who stood around him with astonishment. "Are you perhaps getting tired?" asked the executor. "Not that, replied Brown, but let me stand here no longer than necessary." Then the executioner cut the rope and in the air hung the pride and the disgrace of the republic, her most audacious Hero of Liberty and martyr. The sharp air swung the corpse to and fro, until the physicians drawed it with one arm insensible to them, laying the ear on the brest, examining whether the Heroes heart had ceased to beat, whereupon the State of Virginia cut off the flabby body and sent it magnanimously to the Widow Brown. There he hangs now, the Hero of Liberty although his body has been cut off, and there he will hang and swing to and fro in the wind until revenge has atoned him. The Mason and Dixons line has hitherto parted the South from the North; but a gallows will part in future. This gallows will be the guide of this country's politics. It cannot be confined to its present locality, it must either wander down to South Carolina, or up to Massachusetts. From the Pionier of April 25th 1861 : — "Will the citizens of the north hunt slaves yet, while they go south to hunt slaveholders? Are there such men yet in the north, who cry down with John Brown the traitor? Will the troops of the free States, who go south to precipitate the bandits, also precipitate the slaves in case of iusurrection against the bandits? What is more estimable and at the same time more profitable for the Republic to abolish slavery by means of slave insurrection than only to take care of the liberated, or aside from her struggle for deliverance, to let the slaves remain fettered, in order to compensate the saved slaveholders with perhaps thousands of millions afterwards? Is any body to be found, yet to honor slaveholders, and pirates as men of humanity? Is there any one who wants to compensate the slaveholders with money, because they have nearly ruined the commerce of the country, or because they have stolen our forts and money and force the nation into an expensive, and bloody war? Or is perhaps a rope made of the same material as that of John Brown's and fastened by the hands of rescued slaves the best remedy? [[line]] —From several sources the report comes that Columbus was burned on Saturday night There seems to be little doubt that the Rebels set the town on fire, but it may be hoped that the place was not wholly consumed. [[/column 3]]
